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1341-1347年拜占庭帝國內戰
拜占庭內戰（英語：List of Byzantine revolts and civil wars）、拜占庭-塞爾維亞戰爭、拜占庭-突厥戰爭的一部分
日期1341年9月– 1347年2月8日
地點
色薩利、馬其頓、色雷斯、君士坦丁堡
結果 約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯擊敗了攝政陣營，成為高級共治皇帝
領土變更 塞爾維亞得到馬其頓、阿爾巴尼亞，不久之後奪取伊庇魯斯與色薩利，建立了塞爾維亞帝國；保加利亞獲得北色雷斯的一部分
參戰方
東羅馬帝國 約翰五世
攝政：
東羅馬帝國 薩伏依的安娜
東羅馬帝國 約翰十四世·卡萊卡斯（英語：John XIV of Constantinople）
東羅馬帝國 阿萊克修斯·阿波考科斯
盟友:
塞薩洛尼基的狂熱者（英語：Zealots of Thessalonica）
塞爾維亞帝國 塞爾維亞 (1343–1347)
保加利亞
卡爾武納（英語：Principality of Karvuna）		 東羅馬帝國 約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯
盟友:
塞爾維亞帝國塞爾維亞(1342–1343)
艾登王朝 (1342/3–1345)
鄂圖曼帝國 鄂圖曼王朝 (1345–1347)
薩魯汗王朝
指揮官與領導者
東羅馬帝國 阿萊克修斯·阿波考科斯 處決
塞爾維亞帝國 斯特凡·杜尚
塞爾維亞帝國 喬治·普雷柳布（英語：Gregory Preljub）
伊凡·亞歷山大
莫姆奇爾（英語：Momchil） † (1344–1345)		 東羅馬帝國 約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯
東羅馬帝國 曼努埃爾·坎塔庫澤諾斯（英語：Manuel Kantakouzenos）
東羅馬帝國 約翰·安格洛斯（英語：John Angelos (sebastokrator)）
塞爾維亞帝國 斯特凡·杜尚
塞爾維亞帝國 赫雷利亞（英語：Hrelja）
烏穆爾貝伊
鄂圖曼帝國 奧爾汗一世

1341-1347年拜占庭帝國內戰，或稱第二次巴列奧略王朝內戰[1]，指的是拜占庭帝國皇帝安德洛尼卡三世死後國內爆發的內戰。安德洛尼卡的兒子約翰五世當時年僅9歲，兩派勢力圍繞小皇帝的監護權展開爭奪，一方是安德洛尼卡三世手下權勢極大的貴族約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯，另一方是攝政太后薩伏依的安娜以及她的支持者君士坦丁堡牧首約翰十四世·卡萊卡斯（英語：John XIV of Constantinople）及「大都督（μέγας δούξ）」阿萊克修斯·阿波考科斯。戰爭爆發後，拜占庭社會各階層態度分化，上層貴族傾向於坎塔庫澤諾斯，下層與中間階層更支持攝政太后。這場戰爭也有一些宗教色彩：當時的帝國宗教界陷入靜修派爭論（英語：Hesychast controversy），而支持具有神秘主義色彩的靜修信條的人物通常也是坎塔庫澤諾斯的支持者。

作為安德洛尼卡三世皇帝的左膀右臂與親密友人，坎塔庫澤諾斯在1341年6月安德洛尼卡死後自封為未成年的約翰五世皇帝的攝政，並得到軍隊認可。但就在同年9月，將領阿萊克修斯·阿波考科斯與牧首約翰十四世趁坎塔庫澤諾斯外出作戰，在君士坦丁堡發動政變，取得了太后安娜的支持，約翰十四世自封為攝政。作為回應，10月，坎塔庫澤諾斯的軍隊與支持者推舉他為約翰五世的共治皇帝，隨後局勢便升級為內戰。

攝政方的軍隊在戰爭的頭幾年占了上風，色雷斯與馬其頓的多數城市在經歷了反貴族的政治浪潮（最著名的是塞薩洛尼基的「狂熱者（英語：Zealots of Thessalonica）」動亂）後支持攝政方。但坎塔庫澤諾斯求援於塞爾維亞君主斯特凡·杜尚與小亞細亞的突厥人國家艾登王朝君主烏穆爾貝伊，成功逆轉了局勢。到1345年，雖然杜尚已改變立場，烏穆爾貝伊也已撤軍，但坎塔庫澤諾斯又設法得到了奧斯曼君主奧爾汗的幫助，仍然占據優勢。當年6月，攝政方的首要大臣阿萊克修斯·阿波考科斯被一群囚徒殺害，嚴重打擊了攝政政權。1346年，坎塔庫澤諾斯在阿德里安堡正式加冕稱帝（史稱約翰六世），並於1347年2月3日勝利進入君士坦丁堡。根據雙方的協定，他可以作為首要皇帝與小皇帝約翰五世的攝政統治十年，後者同年後則與之共同統治帝國。雖然坎塔庫澤諾斯在這場內戰中取勝，但1352年不滿的約翰五世再次挑起內戰（英語：Byzantine civil war of 1352–1357），1354年約翰六世戰敗，被迫退位進入修道院。

長期的內戰對拜占庭帝國來說市場災難。本來帝國在安德洛尼卡三世統治下剛剛恢復穩定，但七年的戰爭狀態、劫掠成性的軍隊、社會動盪以及即將到來的黑死病徹底摧毀了拜占庭帝國的實力。內戰也使得塞爾維亞君主斯特凡·杜尚得以征服阿爾巴尼亞、伊庇魯斯與馬其頓的大部分，建立了塞爾維亞帝國，保加利亞帝國也趁機獲取了埃夫羅斯河以北的土地。

背景

更多資訊：巴列奧略王朝時期的拜占庭帝國（英語：Byzantine Empire under the Palaiologos dynasty）

1341年的拜占庭帝國風雨飄搖。儘管米海爾八世皇帝（1259-1282年在位）恢復了君士坦丁堡，並一定程度恢復了帝國的舊日雄風，但他的政策耗盡了國家的資源，使得帝國在其繼承人安德洛尼卡二世（1282-1328年在位）統治下快速衰落[2]。在安德洛尼卡二世漫長的統治期間，拜占庭帝國在小亞細亞的殘餘領土逐漸被許多突厥人政權，尤其是新生的鄂圖曼王朝奪取，這導致了湧向拜占庭歐洲領土的難民潮；同一時期加泰隆尼亞傭兵團（英語：Catalan Company）也給帝國領土帶來了巨大的破壞；因為向四周的敵人進貢，稅收也急劇增加。一次次的失敗與個人的野心驅使皇帝的孫子與繼承人——小安德洛尼卡（安德洛尼卡三世）發動叛亂，並得到了以約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯與西爾吉安內斯·巴列奧略（英語：Syrgiannes Palaiologos）為首的一群年輕貴族的支持，經過14世紀20年代的三次衝突（英語：Byzantine civil war of 1321–1328），安德洛尼卡三世最終廢黜了他的祖父[3]。雖然成功推翻了無能的老皇帝，內戰仍然給帝國的未來蒙上了陰影，帝國的強鄰——塞爾維亞、保加利亞、突厥人、熱那亞、威尼斯紛紛利用帝國的內訌，或者直接奪取帝國的領土，或者擴大其勢力在帝國內部的影響力[4]。

 
皇帝安德洛尼卡三世，他領導拜占庭帝國的最後一段恢復元氣的時期

約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯是家中的獨子，父親曾任摩里亞拜占庭領地的長官，母親與皇族巴列奧略家族有親戚關係。他繼承了家族在馬其頓、色雷斯、色薩利的眾多地產，從小便與安德洛尼卡三世成為朋友，成為他最信任、最親密的幕僚[5]。安德洛尼卡三世在位期間（1328-1341年），約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯實質上成為他的首席大臣，並擔任「大統帥（英語：Grand domestic）（μέγας δομέστικος）」，即拜占庭軍隊（英語：Byzantine army (Palaiologan era)）總司令[6]。他與皇帝的關係在此時仍然密切，1330年，還沒有繼承人的安德洛尼卡三世（其子約翰出生於1332年）突然生病，就指定坎塔庫澤諾斯將在他死後繼位或擔任攝政[7]。 1341年春，約翰的長子馬修·坎塔庫澤諾斯迎娶皇帝的堂妹伊琳娜·巴列奧洛吉娜（英語：Irene Palaiologina (Byzantine empress)），兩人的關係更加緊密[8]。

與解散拜占庭陸軍與海軍，傾心僧侶與知識分子的安德洛尼卡二世不同，安德洛尼卡是個精力充沛的統治者，堅持親自率軍外出作戰[4]。1329年，他第一次出兵作戰，目標是奧斯曼貝伊，結果在佩勒卡諾斯戰役中遭遇慘敗，此後拜占庭在比提尼亞的殘餘統治迅速瓦解[9]。不過之後他多次率軍深入巴爾幹並取得了成功，穩固了他搖搖欲墜的統治。 色薩利與伊庇魯斯專制國這兩個第四次十字軍後建立的希臘人政權，分別於1328年與1337年幾乎不流血得被帝國吞併[10]。安德洛尼卡三世還重新打造了一支規模不大的艦隊，使他得以於1329年自熱那亞貴族家族扎卡里亞家族（英語：Zaccaria）手中奪回富裕且戰略位置關鍵的希俄斯島，並迫使安納托利亞大陸福西亞城的熱那亞總督安德內洛·卡塔內歐（Andreolo Cattaneo）向他宣誓效忠[11]。但1335年，安德內洛的兒子多梅尼克（Domenico）在熱那亞的援助下奪取了萊斯沃斯島，皇帝派遣艦隊前去征討，並請求突厥人政權薩魯汗王朝與艾登王朝出兵支援，最終成功收復萊斯沃斯島與福西亞。薩魯汗方面派遣了援軍與補給，而艾登的君主烏穆爾貝伊則親自趕來與皇帝會面，也就是在此時，坎塔庫澤諾斯與烏穆爾貝伊開始了長期的友好與同盟關係[12]。

1331-1334年與塞爾維亞的戰爭則沒那麼成功，拜占庭叛徒西爾吉安內斯·巴列奧略（英語：Syrgiannes Palaiologos）率領塞爾維亞軍隊奪取了馬其頓的幾個城鎮，但隨後西爾吉安內斯被刺身亡，匈牙利入侵的威脅也迫使塞爾維亞君主斯特凡·杜尚尋求談和[13]。隨後雙方達成的和約對未來的拜占庭-塞爾維亞關係產生了重要影響，拜占庭帝國第一次承認了安德洛尼卡二世時代塞爾維亞奪取的帝國領土的喪失。簽署條約之後，杜尚向南遷都至普里萊普，王國的重心也隨之南移[14]。

儘管小亞細亞的損失不可逆轉，但帝國在伊庇魯斯與色薩利的勝利也鞏固了帝國在巴爾幹南部希臘語地區的地位。安德洛尼卡三世與坎塔庫澤諾斯還在計劃收復南希臘被拉丁人諸國占據的土地，現代學者唐納德·尼科爾寫道：「如果拜占庭帝國能完全收復希臘半島，那麼帝國將再次擁有一個同質的結構，就能夠應對塞爾維亞人、義大利人及其他敵人。馬塔潘角（英語：Cape Matapan）到塞薩洛尼基再到君士坦丁堡將構成一個雖然面積不大，但緊湊而易於管理的經濟-行政單位。」[8]。

坎塔庫澤諾斯攝政：1341年6月-9月

短暫生病後，安德洛尼卡三世於1341年6月14或15日去世，年僅45歲，在當時也算是相對短壽，他的死因可能是慢性瘧疾[15]。他九歲的兒子約翰（即約翰五世）顯然應該繼承皇位，但他父親生前並沒有正式宣布或加冕他為共治皇帝[16]。這造成了一種政治真空，帝國政府現在該由誰來領導成了問題[17]。

 
拜占庭帝國及其周邊國家（1340年）

按照拜占庭習俗，太后是當然的攝政者，然而約翰·坎塔庫澤諾斯卻在沒有正式任命的情況下命令軍隊看管住正在宮中的太后薩伏依的安娜與皇子約翰，並與拜占庭元老院會面，宣稱由於他與先帝的親密關係，他應該擁有攝政權與治理國家的權力。他還要求約翰五世即刻與他的女兒海倫結婚。但君士坦丁堡牧首約翰十四世·卡萊卡斯（英語：John XIV of Constantinople）反對他的舉動，還出示了一份1334年安德洛尼卡二世簽署的文件，其上寫明，安德洛尼卡二世死後，由他負責照看皇室。只有在6月20日首都駐軍示威之後，坎塔庫澤諾斯才穩固了攝政之位，並控制了政府行政，他也繼續擔任「大統帥（英語：Grand domestic）（μέγας δομέστικος）」以維持對軍隊的控制[18]。

儘管如此，反對坎塔庫澤諾斯的派系圍繞三個中心人物逐漸形成：決心在帝國政治中確立發言權的牧首、擔心坎塔庫澤諾斯會廢黜她的兒子的太后、以及野心勃勃的「大都督（μέγας δούξ，海軍總司令）」、官僚系統的首腦阿萊克修斯·阿波考科斯[19]。 阿波考科斯出身不高，全靠安德洛尼卡二世的信任才躋身高位並積累了大筆財富，在1341年時，甚至堪稱帝國首富，但他的發跡經歷也使世襲貴族階層對他抱有懷疑的眼光。僅存的兩部記載這一時期的敘事史書是坎塔庫澤諾斯本人撰寫的回憶錄與尼基弗魯斯·格雷戈拉斯（英語：Nicephorus Gregoras）的歷史著作，二人都帶有貴族階層的偏見，把阿波考科斯的形象寫得十分負面[20]。據坎塔庫澤諾斯自己的說法，阿波考科斯是出於個人野心才加入了牧首的陣營：為了謀求更高的地位，阿波考科斯勸坎塔庫澤諾斯自己稱帝，但後者表示拒絕，於是阿波考科斯就秘密地轉換了陣營[21]。

在現代學者唐納德·尼科爾看來，如果坎塔庫澤諾斯選擇呆在君士坦丁堡，他的地位或許能繼續穩定下去。然而，他既是軍隊統帥，又是小皇帝的攝政，有義務前往對抗那些試圖利用安德洛尼卡死去之機的敵人：塞爾維亞的杜尚入侵了馬其頓，薩魯汗王朝劫掠了色雷斯沿海，保加利亞沙皇伊凡·亞歷山大也威脅要開戰[22]。7月，坎塔庫澤諾斯率領軍隊離開首都，他認為阿波考科斯仍忠於他，於是命他代理執政。坎塔庫澤諾斯的戰鬥比較順利，他說服杜尚撤退、擊退了突厥劫掠者，伊凡·亞歷山大則在一支艾登王朝艦隊的威脅下與拜占庭續簽了和約[17][23]。錦上添花的是，亞該亞國的拉丁男爵們派出的使團前來拜訪，他們表示願意將國家獻給拜占庭，以換取財產與權利的保留；正如坎塔庫澤諾斯在他的回憶錄中承認的那樣，這可以算得上一個絕無僅有的機會，如果此事成功，加泰隆尼亞人控制的雅典公國必將效仿，拜占庭帝國將大大鞏固對希臘的控制[24][25]。

但就在此時，坎塔庫澤諾斯受到了君士坦丁堡傳來的驚人消息：8月底，阿波考科斯決心政變，並嘗試綁架約翰五世但沒有得手，他成功逃到自己在埃皮巴泰（英語：Selimpaşa）的設防居所內，但軍隊將他封鎖在其內部。9月初，坎塔庫澤諾斯抵達君士坦丁堡並留居數周，與太后商議國家事務。之後他啟程重返色雷斯，準備遠征摩里亞。途中他前往埃皮巴泰，赦免了阿波考科斯並讓他官復原職[26]。

內戰爆發:1341年秋

事後來看，坎塔庫澤諾斯這次離開首都是個錯誤。阿波考科斯返回後，坎塔庫澤諾斯的敵人們趁他不在積極行動。阿波考科斯聚集了一幫高級貴族，其中有「警戒軍團大長官（英語：Droungarios of the Watch）（μέγας δρουγγάριος）」約翰·加巴拉斯（John Gabalas）以及與阿波考科斯聯姻的喬治·霍姆諾斯（英語：George Choumnos）。牧首以阿波考科斯的團伙和太后的權威為後盾，宣布罷免坎塔庫澤諾斯，並宣布他為公敵，隨後他自命為攝政，任命阿波考科斯為君士坦丁堡城市長官。坎塔庫澤諾斯的親戚與親信或是被投入監獄，或是逃出城外，他們的財產都被沒收[27]。坎塔庫澤諾斯的妻兒呆在他位於德莫蒂卡（季季莫蒂霍）的大本營中，因而平安無事，但他的母親狄奧多拉被軟禁在家裡，不久之後去世[28]。

 
Donor portrait of the megas doux Alexios Apokaukos, one of the leaders of the anti-Kantakouzenos regency.

隨著第一批君士坦丁堡來的逃難者抵達德莫蒂卡，坎塔庫澤諾斯得知了消息，據他自己在回憶錄里的說法，他嘗試與新攝政談判，但被對方拒絕[29]。之後他做出最重要的決定：1341年10月26日，他在軍隊（據格雷戈拉斯記載，有4千步兵與2千騎兵）與支持者（多來自地主貴族階層）的擁護下稱帝。他稱帝的行為幾乎等於是宣布開啟一場內戰，雖然他宣稱自己只是小皇帝約翰五世的低級共治者，並以小皇帝的名義行事。[30][31]在此之後，他仍希望以談判解決衝突，但他派遣的使節全部被扣押，牧首還宣布開除他與他的支持者的教籍。1341年11月19日，攝政還正式為約翰五世加冕，以回應坎塔庫澤諾斯的稱帝。[32][33]

面對坎塔庫澤諾斯的發難，拜占庭社會內部產生了分裂：控制鄉村地區的有錢有勢的地主貴族們（傳統上被稱為「有權勢者（英語：Dynatoi）（δυνατοί）」[34]）迅速聚集起來支持坎塔庫澤諾斯；而生活困苦，受租稅壓迫的普通民眾則支持太后與牧首。[35][36]阿波考科斯迅速利了這種分裂，廣泛宣傳沒收自坎塔庫澤諾斯和他的支持者的房屋、地產的巨額財富，以煽動普通民眾對貴族的厭惡。[37] 用學者唐納德·尼科爾的話來說：「人民站出來反對的是他（坎塔庫澤諾斯）和他作為地主與巨富所代表的一切。『坎塔庫澤諾斯式的（Kantakouzenism）』成為他們的戰鬥口號，代表他們的不滿的口號」。[38]

正因如此，城市派系與鄉村派系在這場內戰中站在對立面。由中產階級的城市官僚與商人階層（時人所謂「市場中的人們」）所控制的城市更傾向於商品化的經濟，它們與義大利的航海共和國也有密切的關係；而鄉村則仍被保守的地主貴族控制，他們的財富源於地產，視商業為不符合他們身份的活動。而社會底層則更傾向於支持本地的主導派系，在城市則服從中產階級，在鄉村則遵從地主貴族。[39]

Polarization of this nature was not new in the Byzantine Empire. Evidence of competition between the landed aristocracy and the city-based middle classes in the political, economic and social spheres has been attested since the 11th century, but the scale of the conflict that erupted in 1341 was unprecedented. This class conflict was mirrored in the breakaway Byzantine Empire of Trebizond as well, where a pro-imperial and pro-Constantinopolitan urban faction confronted the provincial landholding aristocracy between 1340 and 1349.[40] The more conservative and anti-Western tendencies of the aristocrats, and their links to the staunchly Orthodox and anti-Catholic monasteries, also explain their increased attachment to the mystical Hesychasm movement advocated by Gregory Palamas, whose views were mostly opposed in the cities.[41] Although several significant exceptions leave the issue open to question among modern scholars, in the contemporary popular mind (and in traditional historiography), the supporters of 'Palamism' and of 'Kantakouzenism' were usually equated.[42] Kantakouzenos' eventual victory also meant the victory of Hesychasm, confirmed in a synod in Constantinople in 1351. Hesychasm eventually became a hallmark of the Orthodox church tradition, although it was rejected by the Catholics as a heresy.[30][43]

The first manifestation of this social division appeared in Adrianople where, on 27 October, the populace expelled the city's aristocrats, securing it for the regency. This event was repeated over the next weeks in town after town throughout Thrace and Macedonia, as the people declared their support for the regency and against the despised forces of 'Kantakouzenism'.[44] In this hostile atmosphere, many of Kantakouzenos' soldiers abandoned him and returned to Constantinople.[45] In Demotika alone the popular uprising was quelled, and the town remained Kantakouzenos' main stronghold in Thrace throughout the war.[46]

坎塔庫澤諾斯尋求杜尚的幫助：1342年

When heavy snowfall rendered campaigning impossible during the following winter, Kantakouzenos instead sent envoys, including an embassy of monks from Mount Athos to Constantinople. However, they too were dismissed by the Patriarch.[47] By then, almost all of the Byzantine provinces and their governors had declared themselves for the regency. Only Theodore Synadenos, an old associate of Kantakouzenos who was the governor of the Empire's second city, Thessalonica, indicated his support. Synadenos had kept his allegiance to Kantakouzenos secret from the city's populace, and intended to surrender Thessalonica in collusion with the local aristocracy. Furthermore, Hrelja, the Serbian magnate and virtually independent ruler of Strumica and the Strymon River valley, seemed to lean towards Kantakouzenos. Consequently, as soon as the weather improved, on 2 March 1342, Kantakouzenos left his wife Irene Asanina, his brother-in-law Manuel Asen and his daughters to hold Demotika and marched west with his army toward Thessalonica.[48] On the way, he first attacked Peritheorion but was repelled and continued westward. Kantakouzenos was however able to take fortress Melnik, where he met with Hrelja to forge an alliance. Their two armies marched toward Thessalonica, but arrived too late to take control. As they approached the city, they were met by Synadenos and other aristocrats, who had fled after an uprising led by a radical popular party, the Zealots.[49] Soon afterwards a fleet of 70 ships led by Apokaukos reinforced the city. Synadenos, whose family had remained behind in Thessalonica, defected to the regency. Apokaukos' son John was appointed governor of Thessalonica, although effective power rested with the Zealots, who for the next seven years led an autonomous regime unparalleled in Byzantine history.[50]

 
塞爾維亞沙皇斯特凡·杜尚像。他利用拜占庭帝國的內戰極大地擴展了他的領土，中世紀的塞爾維亞國家在他的統治時期達到極盛

At the same time, the regency's army campaigned in Thrace, formally taking possession of towns secured by popular revolt. With Thessalonica barred against him, his supply lines to Thrace cut, and desertions having reduced his army to 2,000 men, of whom half belonged to Hrelja, Kantakouzenos was forced to withdraw north to Serbia, where he hoped to secure the aid of Stefan Dušan. Soon after, Hrelja also deserted Kantakouzenos and joined the regency, hoping to gain control of Melnik for himself.[51] In July 1342, Kantakouzenos met Dušan near Pristina. The Serbian ruler appeared initially reluctant to form an alliance. Nevertheless, under pressure from his nobles, especially the powerful Jovan Oliver, he could not afford to miss this unique opportunity to expand south. Desperately in need of Serbian aid, Kantakouzenos apparently agreed that the Serbs could keep any town they took, despite his own later account to the contrary. According to Nikephoros Gregoras, the Serbs claimed all of Macedonia west of Christopolis (Kavala), except for Thessalonica and its environs. The only concession Kantakouzenos secured was that an exception be made for those towns that surrendered to him in person. To seal the pact, Kantakouzenos' younger son, Manuel, was to be wed to the daughter of Jovan Oliver, although after Dušan later broke the alliance, the marriage did not take place.[52] Hrelja too acceded to the pact, in exchange for the surrender of Melnik by Kantakouzenos' garrison. After Hrelja's death later that year, Melnik was seized by Dušan.[53]

In late summer 1342, Kantakouzenos, accompanied by several Serbian magnates, marched into Macedonia at the head of a Greek and Serbian force, intending to break through to his wife, who still held out at Demotika.[54] His advance was stopped almost immediately before Serres when the city refused to surrender, and the subsequent siege had to be abandoned after an epidemic killed most of his men, forcing him to retreat into Serbia with a rump force of barely 500 soldiers. Dušan led a more successful parallel campaign, capturing Vodena (Edessa).[55] Serbian forces captured Florina and Kastoria shortly afterwards, thereby extending their hold over western Macedonia. The Serbs also expanded their control over Albania, so that by the summer of 1343, with the exception of Angevin-controlled Dyrrhachium, all of the region appears to have fallen under Serbian rule.[56] Morale among Kantakouzenos' followers fell dramatically. Rumours circulated in Constantinople that a dejected Kantakouzenos planned to retire to Mount Athos as a monk, and riots broke out in the city in which several rich men were killed and their houses looted by the populace.[57]

In late fall, Empress Anna twice sent embassies to Dušan trying to convince him to surrender Kantakouzenos, but the Serbian ruler, seeking to extract more profit from their alliance, refused.[58] Kantakouzenos' fortunes began to improve when a delegation of the nobles of Thessaly reached him and offered to accept his authority. Kantakouzenos appointed his relative John Angelos as the province's governor. Although in effect a semi-independent ruler, Angelos was both loyal and effective. He soon brought Epirus — which he had governed in Andronikos III's name in 1340 — into the Kantakouzenist camp, and even made gains in Thessaly at the expense of the Catalans of Athens.[59] Another effort by Kantakouzenos to break from Serbia into Macedonia failed before Serres.[60] In the meantime, Kantakouzenos' wife Irene called upon the aid of the Bulgarians to help relieve the blockade of Demotika by the regency's army. Ivan Alexander dispatched troops, but although they clashed with the regency's forces, they made no effort in assisting the city, instead pillaging the countryside.[61]

坎塔庫澤諾斯勢力增強：1343年-1345年

 
John Kantakouzenos as Emperor, presiding over a synod

At this point, Kantakouzenos' position was greatly strengthened by the intervention of his old friend, Umur Bey, who in late 1342 or early 1343 sailed up the Evros river with a fleet of 300 ships and 29,000 (according to Kantakouzenos) or 15,000 (according to Turkish sources) men-in-arms and relieved Demotika both from the siege by the regency's forces and from the depredations of the Bulgarians. After pillaging Thrace for a few months, Umur was forced to retreat to Asia at the onset of winter, to which the Turks were unaccustomed.[62] This turn of events displeased Dušan, for Kantakouzenos now had an independent power base and was less reliant on the Serbian ruler's goodwill. The final rift between Kantakouzenos and Dušan occurred in April 1343, when Kantakouzenos persuaded the town of Berroia, besieged by the Serbs, to surrender to him instead of Dušan. This was followed by the surrender of several other forts in the area to Kantakouzenos, including Servia and Platamon. These moves strengthened Kantakouzenos' position and independence from Dušan, thereby thwarting the latter's plans for expansion. Realizing that he had little to gain by continuing to support Kantakouzenos, Dušan opened negotiations with the regency and concluded a formal alliance with them in the summer of 1343.[63]

Meanwhile, Kantakouzenos and his army camped outside Thessalonica, hoping to take the city through the aid of his supporters within the walls. Apokaukos arrived at the head of the Byzantine fleet to aid the Zealots, pinning Kantakouzenos down in Macedonia between Thessalonica and Dušan's possessions. Once again Umur of Aydin came to Kantakouzenos' assistance with a fleet carrying some 6,000 men, whereupon Apokaukos and his ships fled from the superior Turkish navy. Nevertheless, a reinforced Thessalonica was able to hold out against a siege by Kantakouzenos and Umur.[64] Although he had failed to take Thessalonica, the presence of his Turkish allies allowed Kantakouzenos to turn his attention towards Thrace. In late 1343 he left his son Manuel as governor of Berroia and western Macedonia and marched towards Demotika, relieving the city and seeing his wife for the first time in almost two years. On his way to Demotika, Kantakouzenos had seized a number of fortresses in Thrace, although another siege of Peritheorion failed. He followed up with a successful campaign that took Komotini and other fortresses in the Rhodope area.[65] Over the next couple of years, the towns and forts of Thrace came over to Kantakouzenos' camp one by one, but at great cost, as his mainly Turkish troops repeatedly plundered the countryside.[66] The shifting tide of the war did not go unnoticed in the opposing camp. In late 1344, several prominent personalities defected to Kantakouzenos, including John Vatatzes, a general and relative by marriage to both the Patriarch and Apokaukos, the Patriarch of Jerusalem Lazaros, and, most importantly, Manuel Apokaukos, son of the megas doux and governor of Adrianople.[67]

"那位國王（杜尚）貪得無厭，陶醉於羅馬人的內戰，認為這是對他最有利的時機，也是命運給予他的最大恩賜。因此，他像火焰一般降臨，在羅馬人的城市和土地上蔓延，一路上不斷奴役他們，沒有什麼能抵擋他的進攻"
Nikephoros Gregoras, Roman History, II.746.[68]

At the same time, the regency's alliance with Dušan was paying dividends for the Serbian ruler alone, as he had free rein to plunder and occupy all of Macedonia and Epirus. By the end of 1345, only Thessalonica, held by the Zealots, Serres and the surrounding region, which remained loyal to the regency, along with Berroia, which still held out under Manuel Kantakouzenos, remained outside Serbian control.[69]

These developments placed the regency in considerable difficulties. In spite of Apokaukos' adroit management of the state's finances, the devastation caused by the prolonged wars had emptied the treasury. In August 1343, Empress Anna was forced to pawn the crown jewels to Venice for 30,000 ducats. In addition, Turkish ravages in Thrace led to a scarcity of food in Constantinople.[70] Hoping for Western aid, Anna appealed to the Pope, promising the submission of herself, John V, Apokaukos and even the Patriarch to his authority, and began persecuting the pro-Kantakouzenists and anti-Western Palamists.[71]

 
Andronikos III's empress-dowager, Anna of Savoy

In 1344, the regency concluded a further alliance with Bulgaria, which required the surrender of Philippopolis (Plovdiv) and nine other towns in northern Thrace along the river Evros. Nevertheless, after their occupation, Ivan Alexander refrained from direct action against Kantakouzenos' forces operating in southern and eastern Thrace.[72] At the same time, Momchil, a former brigand whom Kantakouzenos had entrusted with control over the region of Merope in the Rhodope mountains, switched over to the regency.[73] In early 1344, Kantakouzenos was deprived of Umur and the bulk of his army, who had sailed home to repel a Latin attack on his main harbour, Smyrna. On their way, the Turkish force was attacked by the Serbs under Gregory Preljub, but prevailed at the Battle of Stephaniana.[74] Nevertheless, Kantakouzenos was able to ward off joint attacks by Dušan and Apokaukos until Umur returned to his aid the next spring at the head of an army of 20,000 men.[75]

Kantakouzenos and Umur raided Bulgaria, and then turned against Momchil. The latter had exploited the power vacuum in the Rhodope, an effective no man's land between the Serbs, Bulgarians and Byzantines, to set himself up as a quasi-independent prince, supported by a substantial force of around 5,000 men. On 7 July 1345, the two armies clashed at Peritheorion. Momchil's army was crushed, and he himself fell in the field.[73] Soon afterwards, Dušan arrived before Serres and laid siege to the city. Rejecting demands by Kantakouzenos to withdraw, a clash appeared inevitable until the murder of Alexios Apokaukos in Constantinople forced Kantakouzenos to direct his attention there.[76]

內戰的最後幾年：1345年–1347年

In early 1345, Kantakouzenos sent Franciscan friars to the regency to make an offer of conciliation, but it was rejected. Despite this show of confidence, the regency's position remained insecure. The defections of the previous winter had weakened their control of the capital, and in response Apokaukos launched a series of proscriptions. He also ordered the construction of a new prison to house political prisoners. On 11 June 1345, while undertaking an inspection of the prison unaccompanied by his bodyguard, Apokaukos was lynched by the prisoners.[77]

 
Emperor John V Palaiologos. His reign, from 1341 to 1391, saw the final disintegration of the Byzantine Empire by recurring civil wars. Aside from the conflict over his custodianship, he would fight a war in 1352–1357 to remove the Kantakouzenoi from power, and later in his rule he would be deposed by his son Andronikos IV in 1376–1379 and by his grandson John VII in 1390.[78]

When Kantakouzenos heard the news he marched towards Constantinople, urged by his supporters, who expected that the death of Apokaukos would result in the collapse of the regency. Kantakouzenos was more sceptical, and indeed the Patriarch and Empress Anna quickly brought the situation under control.[79] At the same time, Kantakouzenos suffered a series of reverses. These began when John Apokaukos, the nominal governor of Thessalonica, openly announced his allegiance to Kantakouzenos and his plans to surrender the city. He was immediately thwarted by the Zealots who rose up again and killed Apokaukos and the other Kantakouzenist sympathizers in the city.[80] Then John Vatatzes, who had defected to Kantakouzenos the year before, once more switched sides. He attempted to take some of Kantakouzenos' Turkish allies and a few Thracian cities with him, but was murdered soon afterwards.[81] Finally, Kantakouzenos lost the support of his most crucial ally, Umur of Aydin, who left with his army to confront the crusaders in Smyrna. Kantakouzenos replaced him by allying himself with the Emir of Saruhan and, more importantly, Orhan of the rising Ottoman emirate in Bithynia.[30][82]

In September 1345, after a long siege, Serres fell to Dušan. The Serbian ruler, who by now controlled about half of the pre-1341 Byzantine realm, was spurred by this success to lay his own claim on the Byzantine throne. Consequently, on Easter Sunday, 16 April 1346, he was crowned "Emperor of the Serbs and the Romans" in Skopje, thereby founding the Serbian Empire.[83] This development prompted Kantakouzenos, who had only been acclaimed Emperor in 1341, to have himself formally crowned in a ceremony held at Adrianople on 21 May, presided over by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Lazaros. Lazaros then convened a synod of bishops to excommunicate the Patriarch of Constantinople, John Kalekas.[84] Not long afterwards, Kantakouzenos' ties with his new ally Orhan were cemented through the marriage of his daughter Theodora Kantakouzene to the Ottoman emir at an elaborate ceremony in Selymbria.[85]

For the regency, the situation had become desperate. Empress Anna's requests for aid from foreign powers proved unsuccessful, as both Orhan and the beylik of Karasi rebuffed her overtures for assistance.[86] Only Balik, the ruler of Dobruja, sent an elite force of 1,000 men under his brothers Theodore and Dobrotitsa, but they were routed by a Kantakouzenist army under protostrator George Phakrases.[87] The emirate of Saruhan offered a more substantial force of 6,000 men in the summer of 1346, but instead of fighting, they plundered Thrace and then defected to join Kantakouzenos' army.[88] Revenue remained scarce for the regency, the Genoese once again seized the imperial possessions of Chios and Phocaea, and on 19 May 1346, a part of the Hagia Sophia cathedral collapsed, a terrible omen in the eyes of the capital's inhabitants.[89]

By the summer of 1346, Kantakouzenos stood on the verge of victory. He left Thrace under the control of his son Matthew and moved on to Selymbria, close to Constantinople.[90] He did not attack the capital, but waited for almost a year for the city to surrender. In his memoirs, he explains that he did not want to turn his Turks on the city, although contemporaries such as Gregoras accused him of indecision and of needlessly prolonging the war.[91]

As the months passed, and the privations in Constantinople increased, the pro-Kantakouzenos faction in the capital grew as the Empress refused even to consider negotiations. Twice agents were sent to assassinate Kantakouzenos, but they failed. The Empress eventually fell out with Patriarch John Kalekas, who was deposed in a synod on 2 February 1347. On the same night, supporters of Kantakouzenos opened the disused Golden Gate, and Kantakouzenos entered the city with 1,000 men.[92] Meeting no resistance, his troops surrounded the Palace of Blachernae, the imperial residence, the next morning, but the Empress refused to surrender for several days, still fearful of the fate that awaited her. Kantakouzenos' men grew impatient and stormed part of the palace complex, and John V persuaded his mother to accept a settlement.[93]

和平協議與坎塔庫澤諾斯的統治

 
The rump of the Byzantine Empire and its neighbours in 1355. The disruption of the civil war and the interference of neighbouring states brought extensive losses of territory, mainly to Dušan's Serbia, which doubled in size.

On 8 February 1347, the war formally ended with an agreement making Kantakouzenos senior emperor for ten years, after which he and John V would reign as equals. Kantakouzenos also promised to pardon anyone who had fought against him.[94] To seal the pact, John V married Kantakouzenos' daughter Helena, and in May, Kantakouzenos was crowned again in the Church of St. Mary of Blachernae.[95] In the end, as Donald Nicol commented, the long conflict had been meaningless, with terms that "could have been agreed five years before and saved the Empire so much bitterness, hatred and destruction."[96]

Despite the moderation and clemency shown by Kantakouzenos in this settlement, it did not gain universal acceptance. Supporters of the Palaiologoi still distrusted him, while his own partisans would have preferred to depose the Palaiologoi outright and install the Kantakouzenoi as the reigning dynasty.[97] Kantakouzenos' eldest son, Matthew, also resented being passed over in favour of John V, and had to be placated with the creation of a semi-autonomous appanage covering much of western Thrace, which doubled as a march against Dušan's Serbia.[98] Of the remaining Byzantine territories, only the Zealots in Thessalonica, now an isolated exclave surrounded by the Serbs, refused to acknowledge the new arrangement, instead leading a de facto independent existence until Kantakouzenos conquered them in 1350.[99]

After 1347, John VI Kantakouzenos tried to revive the Empire, but met with limited success. Aided by the depopulation brought by about by the Black Death, Dušan and his general Preljub took Kantakouzenos' Macedonian strongholds as well as Epirus and Thessaly in 1347–1348, thereby completing their conquest of the remaining Byzantine lands in mainland Greece.[100] An attempt to break Byzantium's dependence for food and maritime commerce on the Genoese merchants of Galata led to a Byzantine–Genoese war, which ended in 1352 with a compromise peace.[101] In 1350, Kantakouzenos took advantage of Dušan's preoccupation with a war against Bosnia to recover Thessalonica from the Zealots as well as Berroia, Vodena and other Macedonian cities from the Serbs, but the Serbian emperor quickly reversed the Byzantine gains, leaving only Thessalonica in Byzantine hands.[102]

Steadily deteriorating relations between Matthew Kantakouzenos, who now ruled eastern Thrace, and John V Palaiologos, who had taken over Matthew's former domain in western Thrace, led to yet another internal conflict. Open warfare broke out in 1352, when John V, supported by Venetian and Turkish troops, launched an attack on Matthew Kantakouzenos. John Kantakouzenos came to his son's aid with 10,000 Ottoman troops who retook the cities of Thrace, liberally plundering them in the process. In October 1352, at Demotika, the Ottoman force met and defeated 4,000 Serbs provided to John V by Stefan Dušan.[103] This was the Ottomans' first victory in Europe and an ominous portent. Two years later their capture of Gallipoli marked the beginning of the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans, which culminated a century later in the Fall of Constantinople.[104] Meanwhile, John V fled to the island of Tenedos, from where he made an unsuccessful attempt to seize Constantinople in March 1353. John VI Kantakouzenos responded by having Matthew crowned as co-emperor, but John V Palaiologos, enlisting Genoese support and relying on the declining popularity of Kantakouzenos, succeeded in entering the capital in November 1354. John VI abdicated and retired to a monastery. Matthew held out in Thrace until 1357, when he too abdicated, leaving John V Palaiologos as the sole master of a rump state.[105]

後果

"年輕的安德洛尼卡（三世）死後，羅馬人有史以來最慘烈的內戰爆發了。這場戰爭幾乎導致了徹底的毀滅，羅馬人的偉大帝國只剩下往日輝煌的一點脆弱的影子"
Memoirs of John Kantakouzenos, Book III.[106]

這次內戰成為了拜占庭帝國歷史上的一大轉折點。用學者安格利基·萊歐的話來說，「在第二次內戰結束之後，拜占庭僅在名號上還是個帝國」[107]，愛娃·德弗里斯-范德威爾登（Eva de Vries-Van der Velden）則稱這場戰爭標誌著「拜占庭帝國自「衰落」走向「滅亡」的轉捩點「[108]。

拜占庭帝國的分裂與內戰各方向外國軍隊，尤其是塞爾維亞人和突厥人求援的行為，激發了他們的擴張欲望。斯特凡·杜尚尤其成功地利用拜占庭的內戰，占領拜占庭帝國的領土，擴展了自己的領土[30][109]。在巨大的領土損失之外，曠日持久的衝突還耗盡了拜占庭國家的各種資源，如愛麗絲-瑪麗·塔爾博特（Alice-Mary Talbot）所言，戰爭帶來了「城市的混亂與鄉村的破壞」。帝國僅剩的大片連續領土色雷斯遭遇了巨大的破壞，以至於他要像君士坦丁堡一樣依賴自保加利亞和克里米亞進口的糧食[30][110]。商業也因戰爭而停止，至於國庫，用格雷戈拉斯的話來說，裡面 "除了伊壁鳩魯的原子，什麼也沒有"。 坎塔庫澤諾斯的個人財產也在戰爭中耗盡，而太后安娜則欠了威尼斯人一大筆錢。內戰也導致中央集權的行政體系崩塌，色雷斯的鄉村被地方豪強控制，轉向了莊園領主制。這些擁有可觀財產的豪強，通過免稅特權或是直接逃稅避免向政府納稅[111]。雪上加霜的是，1347年黑死病到來，此後又多次爆發，進一步減少了帝國的稅基和兵源，削弱了帝國自塞爾維亞手中收復失地的能力[112]。

Along with the renewal of the civil war in 1352, these factors destroyed any chance of even a modest recovery similar to that experienced under Andronikos III.[113] Thereafter, Byzantium remained under the menacing threat of stronger neighbours, unable to pursue an independent foreign policy, handicapped by a shortage of resources and riven by internal strife.[114] Nevertheless, through a combination of fortuitous external circumstances and adroit diplomacy, it survived for another century, until finally conquered by the Ottomans in 1453.[115] Only the Byzantine exclave in the Morea remained prosperous, having been spared the ravages of the civil war because of its relative isolation. The appointment of Manuel Kantakouzenos as its despotes in 1349 heralded the creation of the semi-independent Despotate of the Morea, which experienced the last economic and cultural flowering of the Byzantine world before it too fell to the Ottomans in 1460.[116]

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來源

取自「https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Dkzzl/希拉克略&oldid=78234068」