維基百科

使用者:Jiewei Xiong/沙盒2

< User:Jiewei Xiong
詹姆斯·喬伊斯
James Joyce
約1918年的喬伊斯
出生(1882-02-02)1882年2月2日
 英國愛爾蘭都柏林拉斯加（英語：Rathgar）
逝世1941年1月13日(1941歲—01—13)（58歲）
 瑞士蘇黎世
職業小說家、詩人
代表作
配偶諾拉·巴納克爾（英語：Nora Barnacle）
子女喬治、露西婭（英語：Lucia Joyce）

詹姆斯·奧古斯丁·阿洛伊修斯·喬伊斯（英語：James Augustine Aloysius Joyce，1882年2月2日—1941年1月13日），愛爾蘭小說家、詩人、文學評論家。他為現代主義先鋒派運動做出了貢獻，被視為20世紀最具影響力和重要的作家之一。喬伊斯的小說《尤利西斯》（1922年）是一部里程碑式的作品，其中荷馬的《奧德賽》情節被以各種文學風格——特別是意識流——進行平行呈現。其他著名作品包括短篇小說集《都柏林人》（1914年），以及小說《一個青年藝術家的畫像》（1916年）和《芬尼根的守靈夜》（1939年）。他還創作了三本詩集、一部戲劇、書信和偶爾的新聞作品。

喬伊斯出生於都柏林的一個中產家庭。他曾就讀於基爾代爾郡的耶穌會克朗戈斯伍德學院，之後短暫就讀於由基督兄弟會管理的奧康奈爾學校。儘管父親的財務狀況難以預測，家庭生活混亂，他在耶穌會貝爾維第學院表現出色，並於1902年畢業於都柏林大學學院。1904年，他遇到了未來的妻子諾拉·巴納克爾，隨後他們搬到了歐洲大陸。他曾在普拉短暫工作，隨後搬到奧匈帝國的的里雅斯特，擔任英語教師。除在羅馬擔任八個月的函電職員和三次返回都柏林外，喬伊斯一直居住在那裡直到1915年。在的里雅斯特期間，他出版了詩集《室內樂》和短篇小說集《都柏林人》，並開始在英國雜誌《自我主義者》上連載《一個青年藝術家的畫像》。在第一次世界大戰的大部分時間裡，喬伊斯居住在瑞士蘇黎世，創作了《尤利西斯》。戰後，他短暫返回的里雅斯特，然後於1920年搬到巴黎，這成為他直到1940年的主要居所。

《尤利西斯》於1922年在巴黎首次出版，但因被認為淫穢，其在英國和美國的出版被禁止。直到20世紀30年代中期，出版才最終合法化，此前該書的副本被偷運到兩國，盜版也被印刷。喬伊斯於1923年開始他的下一部重要作品《芬尼根的守靈夜》，並於16年後的1939年出版。在這段時間裡，喬伊斯廣泛旅行。他和諾拉於1931年在倫敦舉行了民事婚禮。他多次前往瑞士，頻繁為日益嚴重的眼疾尋求治療，並為女兒露西亞尋求心理幫助。第二次世界大戰期間，德國占領法國後，喬伊斯於1940年搬回蘇黎世。他於1941年因胃潰瘍穿孔手術後去世，享年58歲。

《尤利西斯》經常在偉大書籍的排行榜上名列前茅，對他作品的學術研究廣泛且持續。許多作家、電影製片人和其他藝術家都受到他風格創新的影響，如他對細節的精細關注、內心獨白的運用、文字遊戲，以及對傳統情節和人物發展的徹底變革。儘管他成年後的大部分時間都在國外度過，但他的虛構世界以都柏林為中心，人物多是他在那裡的家人、敵人和朋友的化身。尤其是《尤利西斯》，其背景設定在城市的街道和小巷中。喬伊斯曾說：「對我自己而言，我總是寫都柏林，因為如果我能觸及都柏林的核心，我就能觸及世界上所有城市的核心。具體中包含著普遍。」[1]

早年生活

 
喬伊斯六歲時的照片，1888年

喬伊斯於1882年2月2日出生在愛爾蘭都柏林拉斯加爾的布萊頓廣場41號[2]，父母是約翰·斯坦尼斯勞斯·喬伊斯和瑪麗·簡（暱稱「梅」，本姓默里）。他是十個倖存兄弟姐妹中的長子。1882年2月5日，他在特倫紐爾附近的聖約瑟夫教堂按照羅馬天主教的儀式受洗，名字為詹姆斯·奧古斯丁·喬伊斯[a]，施洗的是約翰·奧穆洛伊牧師。[b]他的教父母是菲利普和埃倫·麥肯恩。[7]約翰·斯坦尼斯勞斯·喬伊斯的家族來自科克郡的費爾莫伊，擁有一家小型的鹽和石灰廠。喬伊斯的祖父詹姆斯·奧古斯丁娶了埃倫·奧康奈爾，她是科克市議員、經營布料生意和其他物業的約翰·奧康奈爾的女兒。埃倫的家族聲稱與政治領袖丹尼爾·奧康奈爾有親戚關係，他曾在1829年為愛爾蘭人爭取到天主教解放。[8]

1887年，喬伊斯的父親被都柏林市政府任命為稅收徵收員。全家搬到了距離都柏林19公里的時尚小鎮布雷。喬伊斯在此期間被狗襲擊，導致他一生都對狗心存恐懼。[9][c]他後來還對雷雨產生了恐懼[11]，這是因為一位迷信的姨媽告訴他雷雨是上帝憤怒的象徵。[12][d]

1891年，九歲的喬伊斯寫了詩《你也一樣，希利》，悼念查爾斯·斯圖爾特·帕內爾之死，他的父親將這首詩印刷並分發給朋友。[14]詩中表達了老喬伊斯的情感[15]，他對帕內爾被愛爾蘭天主教會、愛爾蘭議會黨和英國自由黨背叛感到憤怒，這種背叛導致在英國議會中爭取愛爾蘭自治的努力失敗。[16]這種背叛感，尤其是來自教會的，給喬伊斯留下了持久的印象，他在生活和藝術中都表達了這種感受。[17]

同年，由於父親的酗酒和財務管理不善，家境開始貧困。[18]1891年11月，約翰·喬伊斯的名字被刊登在《斯塔布斯公報》上，這是一個債務人和破產者的黑名單，他因此被暫時停職。[19]1893年1月，他被解僱，只領取減少的養老金。[20]

1888年，喬伊斯開始在克朗戈斯伍德學院接受教育，這是一所位於基爾代爾郡克萊恩附近的耶穌會寄宿學校，但由於父親無法繼續支付學費，他於1891年不得不離開。[21]他在家自學，短暫就讀於都柏林北里奇蒙街的基督兄弟會奧康奈爾學校。隨後，喬伊斯的父親偶遇了認識他們家的耶穌會神父約翰·康米。康米安排喬伊斯和他的弟弟斯坦尼斯勞斯從1893年開始免費就讀耶穌會在都柏林的學校——貝爾維第學院。[22]1895年，13歲的喬伊斯被同學選入聖母善會。[23]喬伊斯在貝爾維第學院度過了五年，他的智力形成受到了耶穌會《學習綱要》（Ratio Studiorum）中規定的教育原則的指導。[24]他展示了自己的寫作才能，在畢業前的最後兩年裡，英語作文獲得了第一名[25]，1898年畢業。[26]

大學時期

 
都柏林紐曼之家，喬伊斯時代的大學學院[27]

1898年，喬伊斯入讀大學學院[e]，主修英語、法語、義大利語。[30]在此期間，他接觸到了托馬斯·阿奎那的經院哲學，這對他餘生的思想產生了深遠影響。[31]他活躍於都柏林的戲劇和文學圈子，他最親密的同事包括他那一代的愛爾蘭領軍人物，最著名的有喬治·克蘭西、湯姆·凱特爾和弗朗西斯·希希-斯凱夫頓。[32]他在這段時間結識的許多朋友都出現在他的作品中。[33]他的第一篇出版物是對易卜生的《當我們死而復生時》的讚揚性評論，發表於1900年的《半月評論》。受易卜生作品的啟發，喬伊斯用挪威語給他寫了一封粉絲信[34][f]，並創作了戲劇《輝煌的事業》[37]，但後來將其銷毀。[38][g]

1901年，愛爾蘭全國人口普查將喬伊斯列為19歲的未婚學生，會說愛爾蘭語和英語，和父母、六個姐妹和三個兄弟一起居住在都柏林克朗塔夫的皇家露台（現為因弗內斯路）。[40]同年，他結識了奧利弗·聖約翰·戈加蒂[41]，他是《尤利西斯》中巴克·馬利根的原型。[33]11月，喬伊斯寫了一篇名為《暴民之日》的文章，批評愛爾蘭文學劇院不願意上演易卜生、列夫·托爾斯泰和格哈特·豪普特曼等劇作家的作品。[42]他反對懷舊的愛爾蘭民粹主義，主張一種外向的、國際化的文學。[43]由於他提到了嘉布列·鄧南遮的小說《火》[44]，而該書在羅馬天主教的禁書名單上，他的大學雜誌拒絕刊登這篇文章。喬伊斯和也有文章被拒的希希-斯凱夫頓一起將他們的文章印刷並分發。亞瑟·格里菲斯在他的報紙《聯合愛爾蘭人》上譴責了對喬伊斯作品的審查。[45]

1902年10月，喬伊斯從愛爾蘭皇家大學畢業。他考慮學習醫學[46]，開始在都柏林的天主教大學醫學院聽課。[47]當醫學院拒絕提供輔導職位來資助他的教育時，他離開都柏林前往巴黎學習醫學[48]，並獲准在巴黎醫學院參加物理、化學和生物學證書課程。[49]到1903年1月底，他放棄了學習醫學的計劃[50]，但仍留在巴黎，經常在聖熱內維耶夫圖書館讀書到深夜。[51]他經常寫信回家，聲稱由於水質、寒冷的天氣和飲食的改變而健康不佳[52]，向家人請求他們難以負擔的資助。[53]

大學畢業後的都柏林歲月

 
都柏林聖史蒂芬綠地上的喬伊斯半身像，馬喬里·菲茨吉本雕刻

1903年4月，喬伊斯得知母親病危[h]，立即返回愛爾蘭。[60]他照顧她，朗讀一些草稿，這些草稿最終融入了他未完成的小說《史蒂芬英雄》。[61]在她生命的最後幾天，她試圖勸說他去懺悔和領聖餐，但未能成功。[62][i]她於8月13日去世。[64]之後，喬伊斯和斯坦尼斯勞斯拒絕與家人其他成員一起在她床邊跪下祈禱。[65]約翰·喬伊斯在她去世後的幾個月里酗酒和暴力行為加劇，家庭開始瓦解。[66]喬伊斯大部分時間與戈加蒂和他的醫學院同學一起狂歡[67]，並試圖通過撰寫書評勉強維持生計。[68]

喬伊斯的生活在1904年6月10日開始發生改變，那天他遇到了諾拉·巴納克爾。她是一位來自戈爾韋市的二十歲女子，在都柏林做女傭。[69]1904年6月16日，他們第一次一起出遊，漫步在都柏林郊區的林森德[j]，諾拉在那裡為他手淫。[72]這個事件被紀念為《尤利西斯》故事發生的日期，在流行文化中被稱為「布魯姆日」，以紀念小說的主角利奧波德·布魯姆。[73]這開啟了一段持續了37年的關係，直到喬伊斯去世。[74]不久之後，喬伊斯與同事們狂歡後[75]，在聖史蒂芬綠地搭訕一名年輕女子，結果被她的同伴毆打。他被父親的熟人阿爾弗雷德·H·亨特扶起並撣去灰塵，亨特將他帶回家照料傷勢。亨特據傳是一位猶太人，妻子不忠，成為了《尤利西斯》主人公利奧波德·布魯姆的原型之一。[76]

喬伊斯是一位有才華的男高音，曾考慮成為一名音樂表演者。[77][k]1904年5月8日，他參加了費什·科伊爾音樂比賽[79]，這是為有前途的作曲家、演奏家和歌手舉辦的愛爾蘭音樂賽事。[80]在比賽前的幾個月里，喬伊斯跟隨兩位聲樂教師——貝內代托·帕爾米耶里和文森特·奧布萊恩學習聲樂。[81]他通過典當一些書籍支付了報名費。[82]比賽中，喬伊斯需要演唱三首歌曲。他前兩首表現出色，但當被告知必須視唱第三首時，他拒絕了。[83]儘管如此，喬伊斯還是獲得了第三名。[l]賽後，帕爾米耶里寫信告訴喬伊斯，比賽評委、著名歌曲《登山纜車》的作曲家路易吉·丹扎[88]對他的聲音高度評價，如果不是因為視唱和訓練不足，原本會給他第一名。[89]帕爾米耶里甚至提出之後為喬伊斯免費教授聲樂課。喬伊斯拒絕了這些課程，但當年仍繼續在都柏林的音樂會上演唱。[90]他在8月27日的一場音樂會上的表現，可能鞏固了諾拉對他的忠誠。[91]雖然喬伊斯最終沒有追求歌唱事業，但他在文學作品中包含了數千個音樂典故。[92]

整個1904年，喬伊斯努力提升自己的文學聲譽。1月7日，他嘗試出版一部探討美學的散文作品《藝術家的畫像》[93]，但被知識雜誌《達納》拒絕。隨後，他將其改寫成一部關於自己青年時期的小說，名為《史蒂芬英雄》，他為之奮鬥了多年但最終放棄。[m]他寫了一首名為《神聖辦公室》的諷刺詩[95]，模仿了威廉·巴特勒·葉芝的《致即將到來的愛爾蘭》[96][n]，再次嘲諷了愛爾蘭文學復興運動。[99]這首詩也被拒絕出版，這次的理由是「不神聖」。[100]他還在此期間寫了詩集《室內樂》[101]，但也被拒絕。[102][o]他確實發表了三首詩，一首在《達納》[105]，兩首在《演講者》上[106]，喬治·威廉·羅素[p]還在《愛爾蘭家園》上發表了喬伊斯的三篇短篇小說。這些故事——《姐妹們》、《艾弗琳》和《賽後》——成為《都柏林人》的開端。[109]

1904年9月，喬伊斯在找住所方面遇到了困難，搬進了戈加蒂租下的都柏林附近的一座馬特洛塔。[110]然而，不到一周，當戈加蒂和另一位室友德莫特·切內維克斯·特倫奇在半夜朝懸掛在喬伊斯床上方的鍋具開槍時，喬伊斯離開了。[111]在格雷戈里夫人和其他幾位熟人的資助下，不到一個月後，喬伊斯和諾拉離開了愛爾蘭。[112]

1904–1906: Zürich, Pula and Trieste

Zürich and Pula

In October 1904, Joyce and Nora went into self-imposed exile.[113] They briefly stopped in London and Paris to secure funds[114] before heading on to Zürich. Joyce had been informed through an agent in England that there was a vacancy at the Berlitz Language School, but when he arrived there was no position.[115] The couple stayed in Zürich for a little over a week.[116] The director of the school sent Joyce on to Trieste,[117] which was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire until the First World War.[q] There was no vacancy there either.[r] The director of the school in Trieste, Almidano Artifoni, secured a position for him in Pola, then Austria-Hungary's major naval base,[s] where he mainly taught English to naval officers.[119] Less than one month after the couple had left Ireland, Nora had already become pregnant.[120] Joyce soon became close friends with Alessandro Francini Bruni, the director of the school at Pola,[121] and his wife Clothilde. By the beginning of 1905, both families were living together.[122] Joyce kept writing when he could. He completed a short story for Dubliners, "Clay", and worked on his novel Stephen Hero.[123] He disliked Pola, calling it a "back-of-God-speed place—a naval Siberia",[124] and soon as a job became available, he went to Trieste.[125][t]

 
The Caffè Stella Polare in Trieste was often visited by Joyce.[127]
 
Joyce's statue in Trieste

First stay in Trieste

Joyce moved to Trieste in March 1905 aged 23. He taught English at the Berlitz school.[128] That June he published the satirical poem "Holy Office".[129] After Nora gave birth to their first child, Giorgio,[u] on 27 July 1905,[131] He convinced Stanislaus to move to Trieste and attained a position for him at the Berlitz school. Stanislaus moved in with Joyce as soon as he arrived that October, although most of his salary went directly to supporting Joyce's family.[132] In February 1906, the Joyce household once more shared an apartment with the Francini Brunis.[133]

During this period Joyce completing 24 chapters of Stephen Hero[134] and all but the final story of Dubliners,[135] but was unable to get Dubliners published. Although the London publisher Grant Richards had a contract with Joyce, the printers were unwilling to print passages they found controversial; English law could not protect them if brought to court for circulating indecent language.[136] Richards and Joyce went back and forth trying to find a solution where the book could avoid legal liability while preserving Joyce's artistic integrity. As they negotiated, Richards began to scrutinise the stories more carefully. He became concerned that the book might damage his publishing house's reputation and eventually backed down from his agreement.[137]

Trieste was Joyce's main residence until 1920.[138] Although he would temporarily stay in Rome, travel to Dublin and emigrating to Zürich during World War I— it became a second Dublin for him[139] and played an important role in his development as a writer.[140][v] He completed Dubliners, reworked Stephen Hero into A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, wrote his only published play Exiles and decided to make Ulysses a full-length novel as he worked through his notes and jottings.[142] He worked out the characters of Leopold and Molly Bloom in Trieste.[143] Many of the novel's details were taken from Joyce's observation of the city and its people,[144] and some of its stylistic innovations appear to have been influenced by Futurism.[145][w] There are even words of the Triestine dialect in Finnegans Wake.[147] Joyce was introduced to the Greek Orthodox liturgy in Trieste. Under its influence, he rewrote his first short story and would later draw on it in creating the liturgical parodies in Ulysses.[148]

1906–1915: Rome, Trieste, and sojourns to Dublin

Rome

 
Monument to Giordano Bruno at the Campo de' Fiori by Ettore Ferrari. Joyce admired Bruno[149] and attended the procession in his honour while in Rome.[150]

In late May 1906, the head of the Berlitz school ran away after embezzling its funds. Artifoni took over the school but let Joyce know that he could only afford to keep one brother on.[151] Tired of Trieste and discouraged that he could not get a publisher for Dubliners, Joyce found an advertisement for a correspondence clerk in a Roman bank that paid twice his current salary.[152] He was hired for the position and went to Rome at the end of July.[153]

Joyce felt he accomplished very little during his brief stay in Rome,[154] but it had a large impact on his writing.[155] Though his new job took up most of his time, he revised Dubliners and worked on Stephen Hero.[156] Rome was the birthplace of the idea for "The Dead", which would become the final story of Dubliners,[157] and for Ulysses,[158] which was originally conceived as a short story.[x] His stay in the city was one of his inspirations for Exiles.[160] While there, he read the socialist historian Guglielmo Ferrero in depth.[161] Ferrero's anti-heroic interpretations of history, arguments against militarism, and conflicted attitudes toward Jews[162] would find their way into Ulysses, particularly in the character of Leopold Bloom.[163] In London, Elkin Mathews published Chamber Music on the recommendation of the British poet Arthur Symons.[164] Nonetheless, Joyce was dissatisfied with his job, had exhausted his finances, and realised he would need additional support when he learned Nora was pregnant again.[165] He left Rome after only seven months.[166]

Second stay in Trieste

 
Trieste circa 1907

Joyce returned to Trieste in March 1907, but was unable to find full-time work. He went back to being an English instructor, working part-time for Berlitz and giving private lessons.[167] The author Ettore Schmitz, better known by pen name Italo Svevo, was one of his students. Svevo was a Catholic of Jewish origin who became one of the models for Leopold Bloom.[168] Joyce learned much of what he knew about Judaism from him.[169] The two became lasting friends and mutual critics.[170] Svevo supported Joyce's identity as an author, helping him work through his writer's block with A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man.[171] Roberto Prezioso, editor of the Italian newspaper Piccolo della Sera, was another of Joyce's students. He helped Joyce financially by commissioning him to write for the newspaper. Joyce quickly produced three articles aimed toward the Italian irredentists in Trieste. He indirectly paralleled their desire for independence from Austria-Hungary with the struggle of the Irish from British rule.[172] Joyce earned additional money by giving a series of lectures on Ireland and the arts at Trieste's Università Popolare.[173] In May, Joyce was struck by an attack of rheumatic fever,[174] which left him incapacitated for weeks.[y] The illness exacerbated eye problems that plagued him for the rest of his life.[180] While Joyce was still recovering from the attack, Lucia was born on 26 July 1907.[181][z] During his convalescence, he was able to finish "The Dead", the last story of Dubliners.[183]

Although a heavy drinker,[184] Joyce gave up alcohol for a period in 1908.[185] He reworked Stephen Hero as the more concise and interior A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. He completed the third chapter by April[186] and translated John Millington Synge's Riders to the Sea into Italian with the help of Nicolò Vidacovich.[187] He even took singing lessons again.[188] Joyce had been looking for an English publisher for Dubliners but was unable to find one, so he submitted it to a Dublin publisher, Maunsel and Company, owned by George Roberts.[189]

Visits to Dublin

 
Dublin in 1909

In July 1909, Joyce received a year's advance payment from one of his students and returned to Ireland to introduce Giorgio to both sides of the family, his own in Dublin and Nora's in Galway.[190] He unsuccessfully applied for the position of Chair of Italian at his alma mater, which had become University College Dublin.[191] He met with Roberts, who seemed positive about publishing the Dubliners.[192] He returned to Trieste in September with his sister Eva, who helped Nora run the home.[193] Joyce only stayed in Trieste for a month, as he almost immediately came upon the idea of starting a cinema in Dublin, which unlike Trieste had none. He quickly got the backing of some Triestine businessmen and returned to Dublin in October, launching Ireland's first cinema, the Volta Cinematograph.[194] It was initially well-received, but fell apart after Joyce left.[195] He returned to Trieste in January 1910 with another sister, Eileen.[196][aa]

From 1910 to 1912, Joyce still lacked a reliable income. This brought his conflicts with Stanislaus, who was frustrated with lending him money, to their peak.[200] In 1912, Prezioso arranged for him to lecture on Hamlet for the Minerva Society between November 1912 and February 1913.[201] Joyce once more lectured at the Università Popolare on various topics in English literature and applied for a teaching diploma in English at the University of Padua.[202] He performed very well on the qualification tests, but was denied because Italy did not recognise his degree from an Irish university. In 1912, Joyce and his family returned to Dublin briefly in the summer.[203] While there, his three-year-long struggle with Roberts over the publication of Dubliners[204] came to an end as Roberts refused to publish the book due to concerns of libel. Roberts had the printed sheets destroyed, though Joyce was able to obtain a copy of the proof sheets.[ab] When Joyce returned to Trieste, he wrote an invective against Roberts, "Gas from a Burner".[206] He never went to Dublin again.[207]

Publication of Dubliners and A Portrait

Joyce's fortunes changed for the better in 1913 when Richards agreed to publish Dubliners. It was issued on 15 June 1914,[208] eight and a half years since Joyce had first submitted it to him.[209] Around the same time, he found an unexpected advocate in Ezra Pound, who was living in London.[ac] On the advice of Yeats,[211] Pound wrote to Joyce asking if he could include a poem from Chamber Music, "I Hear an Army Charging upon the Land" in the journal Des Imagistes. They struck up a correspondence that lasted until the late 1930s. Pound became Joyce's promoter, helping ensure that Joyce's works were both published and publicized.[212]

After Pound persuaded Dora Marsden to serially publish A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man in the London literary magazine The Egoist,[213] Joyce's pace of writing increased. He completed A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man by 1914;[214] resumed Exiles, completing it in 1915;[215] started the novelette Giacomo Joyce, which he eventually abandoned;[216] and began drafting Ulysses.[217]

In August 1914, World War I broke out. Although Joyce and Stanislaus were subjects of the United Kingdom, which was now at war with Austria-Hungary, they remained in Trieste. Even when Stanislaus, who had publicly expressed his sympathy for the Triestine irredentists, was interned at the beginning of January 1915, Joyce chose to stay. In May 1915, Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary,[218] and less than a month later Joyce took his family to Zürich in neutral Switzerland.[219]

1915–1920: Zürich and Trieste

Zürich

 
Zürich, Switzerland where Joyce lived 1915–1919

Joyce arrived in Zürich as a double exile: he was an Irishman with a British passport and a Triestine on parole from Austria-Hungary.[220] To get to Switzerland, he had to promise the Austro-Hungarian officials that he would not help the Allies during the war, and he and his family had to leave almost all of their possessions in Trieste.[221] During the war, he was kept under surveillance by both the British and Austro-Hungarian secret services.[222]

Joyce's first concern was earning a living. One of Nora's relatives sent them a small sum to cover the first few months. Pound and Yeats worked with the British government to provide a stipend from the Royal Literary Fund in 1915 and a grant from the British civil list the following year.[223] Eventually, Joyce received large regular sums from the editor Harriet Shaw Weaver, who operated The Egoist, and the psychotherapist Edith Rockefeller McCormick, who lived in Zürich studying under Carl Jung.[224] Weaver financially supported Joyce throughout the entirety of his life and even paid for his funeral.[225] Between 1917 and the beginning of 1919, Joyce was financially secure and lived quite well;[226] the family sometimes stayed in Locarno in the Italian-speaking region of Switzerland.[227] However, health problems remained a constant issue. During their time in Zürich, both Joyce and Nora suffered illnesses that were diagnosed as "nervous breakdowns"[228] and he had to undergo many eye surgeries.[229]

Ulysses

During the war, Zürich was the centre of a vibrant expatriate community. Joyce's regular evening hangout was the Cafe Pfauen,[230] where he got to know a number of the artists living in the city at the time, including the sculptor August Suter[231] and the painter Frank Budgen.[232] He often used the time spent with them as material for Ulysses.[233] He made the acquaintance of the writer Stefan Zweig,[234] who organised the premiere of Exiles in Munich in August 1919.[235] He became aware of Dada, which was coming into its own at the Cabaret Voltaire.[236][ad] He may have even met the Marxist theoretician and revolutionary Vladimir Lenin at the Cafe Odeon,[238] a place they both frequented.[239]

Joyce kept up his interest in music. He met Ferruccio Busoni,[240] staged music with Otto Luening, and learned music theory from Philipp Jarnach.[241] Much of what Joyce learned about musical notation and counterpoint found its way into Ulysses, particularly the "Sirens" section.[242]

Joyce avoided public discussion of the war's politics and maintained strict neutrality.[243] He made few comments about the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland; although he was sympathetic to the Irish independence movement,[244] he disagreed with its violence.[245][ae] He stayed intently focused on Ulysses[247] and the ongoing struggle to get his work published. Some of the serial instalments of "The Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man" in The Egoist had been censored by the printers, but the entire novel was published by B. W. Huebsch in 1916.[248] In 1918, Pound got a commitment from Margaret Caroline Anderson, the owner and editor of the New York-based literary magazine The Little Review, to publish Ulysses serially.[249]

The English Players

 
The Pfauen in Zürich. Joyce's preferred hangout was the cafe, which used to be on the right corner. The theatre staged the English Players.[250]

Joyce co-founded an acting company, the English Players, and became its business manager. The company was pitched to the British government as a contribution to the war effort,[251] and mainly staged works by Irish playwrights, such as Oscar Wilde, George Bernard Shaw, and John Millington Synge.[252] For Synge's Riders to the Sea, Nora played a principal role and Joyce sang offstage,[253] which he did again when Robert Browning's In a Balcony was staged. He hoped the company would eventually stage his play, Exiles,[254] but his participation in the English Players declined in the wake of the Great Influenza epidemic of 1918, though the company continued until 1920.[255]

Joyce's work with the English Players involved him in a lawsuit. Henry Wilfred Carr, a wounded war veteran and British consul, accused Joyce of underpaying him for his role in The Importance of Being Earnest. Carr sued for compensation; Joyce countersued for libel. The cases were resolved in 1919, with Joyce winning the compensation case but losing the one for libel.[256] The incident ended up creating acrimony between the British consulate and Joyce for the rest of his time in Zürich.[257]

Third stay in Trieste

By 1919, Joyce was in financial straits again. McCormick stopped paying her stipend, partly because he refused to submit to psychoanalysis from Jung,[258] and Zürich had become expensive to live in after the war. Furthermore, he was becoming isolated as the city's emigres returned home. In October 1919, Joyce's family moved back to Trieste, but it had changed. The Austro-Hungarian empire had ceased to exist, and Trieste was now an Italian city in post-war recovery.[259] Eight months after his return, Joyce went to Sirmione, Italy, to meet Pound, who made arrangements for him to move to Paris.[260] Joyce and his family packed their belongings and headed for Paris in June 1920.[261]

1920–1941: Paris and Zürich

Paris

 
James Joyce in a September 1922 issue of Shadowland photographed by Man Ray

When Joyce and his family arrived in Paris in July 1920, their visit was intended to be a layover on their way to London.[262] For the first four months, he stayed with Ludmila Savitzky​（法語）[263] and met Sylvia Beach, who ran the Rive Gauche bookshop, Shakespeare and Company.[264] Beach quickly became an important person in Joyce's life, providing financial support,[265] and becoming one of Joyce's publishers.[266] Through Beach and Pound, Joyce quickly joined the intellectual circle of Paris and was integrated into the international modernist artist community.[267] Joyce met Valery Larbaud, who championed Joyce's works to the French[268] and supervised the French translation of Ulysses.[269] Paris became the Joyces' regular residence for twenty years, though they never settled into a single location for long.[270]

Publication of Ulysses

Joyce finished writing Ulysses near the end of 1921, but had difficulties getting it published. With financial backing from the lawyer John Quinn,[271][af] Margaret Anderson and her co-editor Jane Heap had begun serially publishing it in The Little Review in March 1918[272] but in January and May 1919, two instalments were suppressed as obscene and potentially subversive.[273] In September 1920, an unsolicited instalment of the "Nausicaa" episode was sent to the daughter of a New York attorney associated with the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, leading to an official complaint.[271] The trial proceedings continued until February 1921, when both Anderson and Healy, defended by Quinn, were fined $50 each for publishing obscenity[274] and ordered to cease publishing Ulysses.[275] Huebsch, who had expressed interest in publishing the novel in the United States, decided against it after the trial.[276] Weaver was unable to find an English printer,[277] and the novel was banned for obscenity in the United Kingdom in 1922, where it was blacklisted until 1936.[278]

Page saying 'ULYSSES by JAMES JOYCE will be published in the Autumn of 1921 by "SHAKESPEARE AND COMPANY" – SYLVIA BEACH – 8, RUE DUPUYTREN, PARIS – VIe' with drawing of Shakespeare holding a book
Announcement of the initial publication of Ulysses

Almost immediately after Anderson and Healy were ordered to stop printing Ulysses, Beach agreed to publish it through her bookshop.[279] She had books mailed to people in Paris and the United States who had subscribed to get a copy; Weaver mailed books from Beach's plates to subscribers in England.[280] Soon, the postal officials of both countries began confiscating the books.[281] They were then smuggled into both countries.[282][ag] Because the work had no copyright in the United States at this time, "bootleg" versions appeared, including pirate versions from publisher Samuel Roth, who only ceased his actions in 1928 when a court enjoined publication.[284] Ulysses was not legally published in the United States until 1934 after Judge John M. Woolsey ruled in United States v. One Book Called Ulysses that the book was not obscene.[285]

Finnegans Wake

In 1923, Joyce began his next work, an experimental novel that eventually became Finnegans Wake.[286][ah] It would take sixteen years to complete.[288] At first, Joyce called it Work in Progress, which was the name Ford Madox Ford used in April 1924 when he published its "Mamalujo" episode in his magazine, The Transatlantic Review. In 1926, Eugene and Maria Jolas serialised the novel in their magazine, transition. When parts of the novel first came out, some of Joyce's supporters—like Stanislaus, Pound, and Weaver—[289] wrote negatively about it,[290] and it was criticised by writers like Seán Ó Faoláin, Wyndham Lewis, and Rebecca West.[291] In response, Joyce and the Jolases organised the publication of a collection of positive essays titled Our Exagmination Round His Factification for Incamination of Work in Progress, which included writings by Samuel Beckett and William Carlos Williams.[292] An additional purpose of publishing these essays was to market Work in Progress to a larger audience.[293] Joyce publicly revealed the novel's title as Finnegans Wake in 1939,[294] the same year he completed it. It was published in London by Faber and Faber[295] with the assistance of T. S. Eliot.[296][ai]

Joyce's health problems afflicted him throughout his Paris years. He had over a dozen eye operations,[298] but his vision severely declined.[299] By 1930, he was practically blind in the left eye and his right eye functioned poorly.[300] He even had all of his teeth removed because of infection.[301] At one point, Joyce became worried that he could not finish Finnegans Wake, asking the Irish author James Stephens to complete it if something should happen.[302]

Joyce's financial problems continued. Although he was now earning a good income from his investments and royalties, his spending habits often left him without available money.[303] Despite these issues, he published Pomes Penyeach in 1927, a collection of thirteen poems that he wrote in Trieste, Zürich and Paris.[304]

Marriage in London

 
1966 drawing of Joyce by Adolf Hoffmeister

In 1930, Joyce began thinking of establishing a residence in London once more,[305] primarily to assure that Giorgio, who had just married Helen Fleischmann, would have his inheritance secured under British law.[306] Joyce moved to London, obtained a long-term lease on a flat, registered on the electoral roll, and became liable for jury service. After living together for twenty-seven years, Joyce and Nora got married at the Register Office in Kensington on 4 July 1931.[307] Joyce stayed in London for at least six months to establish his residency, but abandoned his flat and returned to Paris later in the year when Lucia showed signs of mental illness. He planned to return, but never did and later became disaffected with England.[308]

In later years, Joyce lived in Paris but frequently travelled to Switzerland for eye surgery[aj] or for treatment for Lucia,[310] who was diagnosed with schizophrenia.[311] Lucia was analysed by Carl Jung, who had previously written that Ulysses was similar to schizophrenic writing.[312][ak] Jung suggested that she and her father were two people going into a river, except that Joyce was diving and Lucia was falling.[314] In spite of Joyce's attempts to help Lucia, she remained permanently institutionalised after his death.[315]

Final return to Zürich

In the late 1930s, Joyce became increasingly concerned about the rise of fascism and antisemitism.[316] As early as 1938, Joyce was involved in helping a number of Jews escape Nazi persecution.[317] After the fall of France in 1940, Joyce and his family fled from Nazi occupation, returning to Zürich a final time.[318]

Death

 
Grave of James Joyce in Zürich-Fluntern; sculpture by Milton Hebald

On 11 January 1941, Joyce underwent surgery in Zürich for a perforated duodenal ulcer. He fell into a coma the following day. He awoke at 2 am on 13 January 1941, and asked a nurse to call his wife and son. They were en route when he died 15 minutes later, at age 58.[319]

His body was buried in the Fluntern Cemetery in Zürich. Swiss tenor Max Meili sang "Addio terra, addio cielo" from Monteverdi's L'Orfeo at the burial service.[320] Joyce had been a subject of the United Kingdom all of his life, and although two senior Irish diplomats were in Switzerland at the time, only the British consul attended the funeral. When Joseph Walshe, secretary at the Department of External Affairs in Dublin, was informed of Joyce's death by Frank Cremins, chargé d'affaires at Bern, Walshe responded, "Please wire details of Joyce's death. If possible find out did he die a Catholic? Express sympathy with Mrs Joyce and explain inability to attend funeral."[321] Buried originally in an ordinary grave, Joyce was moved in 1966 to a more prominent "honour grave", with a seated portrait statue by American artist Milton Hebald nearby. Nora, whom he had married in 1931, survived him by 10 years. She is buried by his side, as is their son Giorgio, who died in 1976.[321]

After Joyce's death, the Irish government declined Nora's request to permit the repatriation of Joyce's remains,[322] despite being persistently lobbied by the American diplomat John J. Slocum.[321] In October 2019, a motion was put to Dublin City Council to plan and budget for the costs of the exhumations and reburials of Joyce and his family somewhere in Dublin, subject to his family's wishes.[323] The proposal immediately became controversial, with the Irish Times commenting: " ... it is hard not to suspect that there is a calculating, even mercantile, aspect to contemporary Ireland's relationship to its great writers, whom we are often more keen to 'celebrate', and if possible monetise, than read".[324]

Political views

 
1934 portrait of James Joyce by Jacques-Émile Blanche

Throughout his life, Joyce stayed actively interested in Irish national politics[325] and in its relationship to British colonialism.[326] He studied socialism[327] and anarchism.[328][al] He attended socialist meetings and expressed an individualist view influenced by Benjamin Tucker's philosophy and Oscar Wilde's essay "The Soul of Man Under Socialism".[332] He described his opinions as "those of a socialist artist".[333] Joyce's direct engagement in politics was strongest during his time in Trieste, when he submitted newspaper articles, gave lectures, and wrote letters advocating for Ireland's independence from British rule.[334] After leaving Trieste, Joyce's direct involvement in politics waned,[335] but his later works still reflect his commitment.[336] He remained sympathetic to individualism and critical of coercive ideologies such as nationalism.[337][am] His novels address socialist, anarchist and Irish nationalist issues.[340] Ulysses has been read as a novel critiquing the effect of British colonialism on the Irish people.[341] Finnegans Wake has been read as a work that investigates the divisive issues of Irish politics,[342] the interrelationship between colonialism and race,[343] and the coercive oppression of nationalism and fascism.[344]

Joyce's politics is reflected in his attitude toward his British passport. He wrote about the negative effects of British occupation in Ireland and was sympathetic to the attempts of the Irish to free themselves from it.[345] In 1907, he expressed his support for the early Sinn Féin movement before the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922.[346] However, throughout his life, Joyce refused to exchange his British passport for an Irish one.[347] When he had a choice, he opted to renew his British passport in 1935 instead of obtaining one from the Irish Free State,[348][an] and he chose to keep it in 1940 when accepting an Irish passport could have helped him to leave Vichy France more easily.[350] His refusal to change his passport was partly due to the advantages that a British passport gave him internationally,[351] his being out of sympathy with the violence of Irish politics,[352] and his dismay over the Irish Free State's political alignment with the Catholic Church.[353][ao]

Religious views

 
The interior of the Greek Orthodox Church of San Nicolò in Trieste, where Joyce occasionally attended services[355]

Joyce had a complex relationship with religion.[356] Firsthand statements by him[ap] and Stanislaus,[aq] attest that he did not consider himself a Catholic, though his work is deeply influenced by Catholicism.[359] In particular, his intellectual foundations were grounded in his early Jesuitical education.[360][ar] Even after he left Ireland, he sometimes went to church. When living in Trieste, he woke up early to attend Catholic Mass on Holy Thursday and Good Friday[362][as] or occasionally attended Eastern Orthodox services, stating that he liked the ceremonies better.[364]

Some critics have argued that Joyce firmly rejected the Catholic faith.[365] He lapsed from the Church early in life [366] and Nora refused to allow a Catholic service when he died.[at] His works frequently critique, ridicule, and blaspheme Catholicism,[368] and he appropriates Catholic rituals and concepts for his own artistic purposes.[369] Nevertheless, Catholic critics have argued that Joyce never fully abandoned his faith,[370] wrestling with it in his writings and becoming increasingly reconciled with it.[371] They argue that Ulysses and Finnegans Wake are expressions of a Catholic sensibility,[372] insisting that the critical views of religion expressed by the characters in his novel do not represent the views of Joyce the author.[373]

Other critics have suggested that Joyce's apparent apostasy was less a denial of faith than a transmutation,[374] a criticism of the Church's adverse impact on spiritual life, politics, and personal development.[375] Joyce's attitude toward Catholicism has been described as an enigma in which there are two Joyces: a modern one who resisted the power of Catholicism and another who maintained his allegiance to its traditions.[376] He has been compared to the medieval episcopi vagantes (wandering bishops), who left their discipline but not their cultural heritage of thought.[377]

Joyce's responses to questions about his faith were often ambiguous. For example, during an interview after the completion of Ulysses, Joyce was asked, "When did you leave the Catholic Church?" He answered, "That's for the Church to say."[378]

Major works

Dubliners

主條目：Dubliners
 
First edition of Dubliners, 1914

Dubliners is a collection of 15 short stories first published in 1914,[379] that form a naturalistic depiction of Irish middle-class life in and around the city in the early 20th century. The tales were written when Irish nationalism and the search for national identity was at its peak. Joyce holds up a mirror to that identity as a first step in the spiritual liberation of Ireland.[380][au] The stories centre on Joyce's idea of an epiphany: a moment when a character experiences a life-changing self-understanding or illumination. Many of the characters in Dubliners later appear in minor roles in Joyce's novel Ulysses.[382] The initial stories are narrated by child protagonists. Later stories deal with the lives and concerns of progressively older people. This aligns with Joyce's tripartite division of the collection into childhood, adolescence, and maturity.[383]

A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man

主條目：A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man

A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, published in 1916, is a shortened rewrite of the novel Stephen Hero, which was abandoned in 1905. It is a Künstlerroman, a kind of coming-of-age novel depicting the childhood and adolescence of the protagonist Stephen Dedalus and his gradual growth into artistic self-consciousness.[384] It functions both as an autobiographical fiction of the author and a biography of the fictional protagonist.[385] Some hints of the techniques Joyce frequently employed in later works, such as stream of consciousness, interior monologue, and references to a character's psychic reality rather than to his external surroundings are evident throughout this novel.[386]

Exiles and poetry

主條目：Chamber Music (poetry collection)和Pomes Penyeach

Despite early interest in the theatre, Joyce published only one play, Exiles, begun shortly after the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 and published in 1918. A study of a husband-and-wife relationship, the play looks back to "The Dead" (the final story in Dubliners) and forward to Ulysses, which Joyce began around the time of the play's composition.[387]

He published three books of poetry.[388] The first full-length collection was Chamber Music (1907), which consisted of 36 short lyrics. It led to his inclusion in the Imagist Anthology, edited by Ezra Pound, a champion of Joyce's work. Other poetry Joyce published in his lifetime includes "Gas from a Burner" (1912), Pomes Penyeach (1927), and "Ecce Puer" (written in 1932 to mark the birth of his grandson and the recent death of his father). These were published by the Black Sun Press in Collected Poems (1936).[389]

Ulysses

主條目：Ulysses (novel)
 
First edition of Ulysses published by Shakespeare & Company, 1922

The action of Ulysses starts on 16 June 1904 at 8 am and ends sometime after 2 am the following morning. Much of it occurs inside the minds of the characters, who are portrayed through techniques such as interior monologue, dialogue, and soliloquy. The novel consists of 18 episodes, each covering roughly one hour of the day using a unique literary style.[390] Joyce structured each chapter to refer to an individual episode in Homer's Odyssey, as well as a specific colour, a particular art or science, and a bodily organ.[av] Ulysses sets the characters and incidents of the Odyssey in 1904 Dublin, representing Odysseus (Ulysses), Penelope, and Telemachus in the characters of Leopold Bloom, his wife Molly Bloom, and Stephen Dedalus. It uses humour–[393] including parody, satire and comedy– to contrast the novel's characters with their Homeric models. Joyce played down the mythic correspondences by eliminating the chapter titles[394] so the work could be read independently of its Homeric structure.[395]

Ulysses can be read as a study of Dublin in 1904, exploring various aspects of the city's life, dwelling on its squalor and monotony. Joyce claimed that if Dublin were to be destroyed in some catastrophe, it could be rebuilt using his work as a model.[396] To achieve this sense of detail, he relied on his memory, what he heard other people remember, and his readings to create a sense of fastidious detail.[397] Joyce regularly used the 1904 edition of Thom's Directory—a work that listed the owners and tenants of every residential and commercial property in the city—to ensure his descriptions were accurate.[398] This combination of kaleidoscopic writing, reliance on a formal schema to structure the narrative, and exquisite attention to detail represents one of the book's major contributions to the development of 20th-century modernist literature.[399]

Finnegans Wake

主條目：Finnegans Wake

Finnegans Wake is an experimental novel that pushes stream of consciousness[400] and literary allusion[401] to their extremes. Although the work can be read from beginning to end, Joyce's writing transforms traditional ideas of plot and character development through his wordplay, allowing the book to be read nonlinearly. Much of the wordplay stems from the work being written in peculiar and obscure English, based mainly on complex multilevel puns. This approach is similar to, but far more extensive than, that used by Lewis Carroll in Jabberwocky[402] and draws on a wide range of languages.[403] The associative nature of its language has led to it being interpreted as the story of a dream.[404][aw]

The metaphysics of Giordano Bruno of Nola, who Joyce had read in his youth,[405] plays an important role in Finnegans Wake, as it provides the framework for how the identities of the characters interplay and are transformed.[406] Giambattista Vico's cyclical view of history—in which civilisation rises from chaos, passes through theocratic, aristocratic, and democratic phases, and then lapses back into chaos—structures the text's narrative,[407] as evidenced by the opening and closing words of the book: Finnegans Wake opens with the words "riverrun, past Eve and Adam's, from swerve of shore to bend of bay, brings us by a commodius vicus of recirculation back to Howth Castle and Environs"[408] and ends "A way a lone a last a loved a long the".[409] In other words, the book ends with the beginning of a sentence and begins with the end of the same sentence, turning the narrative into one great cycle.[410]

Legacy

 
Statue of James Joyce on North Earl Street, Dublin, by Marjorie Fitzgibbon

Joyce's work still has a profound influence on contemporary culture.[411][ax] Ulysses is a model for fiction writers, particularly its explorations into the power of language.[399] Its emphasis on the details of everyday life has opened up new possibilities of expression for authors, painters and film-makers.[412] It retains its prestige among readers, often ranking high on 'Great Book' lists.[413] Joyce's innovations extend beyond English literature: his writing has been an inspiration for Latin American writers,[414] and Finnegans Wake has become one of the key texts for French post-structuralism.[415]

The open-ended form of Joyce's novels keeps them open to constant reinterpretation.[416] They inspire an increasingly global community of literary critics. Joyce's studies—based on a relatively small canon of three novels, a small short story collection, one play, and two small books of poems—have generated over 15,000 articles, monographs, theses, translations, and editions.[417]

In popular culture, the work and life of Joyce is celebrated annually on 16 June, known as Bloomsday, in Dublin and in an increasing number of cities worldwide.[418]

Collections, museums, and study centres

The National Library of Ireland holds a large collection of Joycean material including manuscripts and notebooks, much of it available online.[419] A joint venture between the library and University College Dublin, the Museum of Literature Ireland, [420] the majority of whose exhibits are about Joyce and his work, has both a small permanent Joyce-related collection, and borrows from its parent institutions; its displays include "Copy No. 1" of Ulysses.[421] Dedicated centres in Dublin include the James Joyce Centre in North Great George's Street, the James Joyce Tower and Museum in Sandycove at the Martello tower where Joyce briefly lived and where he set the opening scene in Ulysses, and the Dublin Writers Museum.[422] University College London holds the only major research collection of Joyce's work in the United Kingdom, including first editions of all of Joyce's major works, many other editions and translations, as well as critical and background literature.[423]

Bibliography

Novel Series

Stephen Dedalus

  1. Stephen Hero (precursor to A Portrait; written 1904–06, published posthumously 1944)
  2. A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (novel, 1916)
  3. Ulysses (novel, 1922)

Finnegan

  1. Finn's Hotel (Ithys Press, 2013)
  2. Finnegans Wake (1939, restored 2012)

Short Stories

Poetry collections

Play

Posthumous Non-fiction

  • The Critical Writings of James Joyce (Eds. Ellsworth Mason and Richard Ellmann, 1959)
  • Letters of James Joyce Vol. 1 (Ed. Stuart Gilbert, 1957)
  • Letters of James Joyce Vol. 2 (Ed. Richard Ellmann, 1966)
  • Letters of James Joyce Vol. 3 (Ed. Richard Ellmann, 1966)
  • Selected Letters of James Joyce (Ed. Richard Ellmann, 1975)
  • Collected Epiphanies of James Joyce: A Critical Edition (Eds. Angus McFadzean, Morris Beja, Sangam Macduff). University Press of Florida, 2024

注釋

  1. ^ Joyce was named for his paternal grandfather,[3] but his middle name was mistakenly registered as Augusta at the time of his birth.[4]
  2. ^ Joyce acquired his saint's name Aloysius at his confirmation[5] in 1891.[6]
  3. ^ Joyce's fear of dogs may have been exaggerated.[10]
  4. ^ According to Irish artist Arthur Power, Joyce, who sometimes took his children and Power on a ride, once ordered the driver to turn home when a storm broke out. When Power asked "Why are you so afraid of thunder? Your children don't mind it." Joyce answered "Ah, they have no religion".[13]
  5. ^ University College was part of the Royal University of Ireland.[28] It became University College Dublin, one of three colleges in the new National University of Ireland, in 1908. The others were University College Galway and University College Cork.[29]
  6. ^ Ibsen did not reply to the fan letter,[35] but he had previously asked the Scottish critic William Archer to thank Joyce for his "very benevolent" review.[36]
  7. ^ Joyce's dedicatory page to the play is all that is left: "To My own Soul I dedicate the first true work of my life."[39]
  8. ^ Joyce's mother was initially diagnosed with cirrhosis of the liver;[54] Ellmann says that it became apparent she was actually dying of cancer.[55] This may reflect what Joyce's family came to believe,[56] but Gorman's 1939 biography of Joyce, which was edited by Joyce,[57] states that she died of cirrhosis,[58] as does her death certificate.[59]
  9. ^ Gorman writes: "Mary Jane Joyce was dying in the sanctity of the bosom of her Church ... and her eldest son could only grieve that the two wills could not meet and mix. He was incapable of bending his knee to the powerful phantom, that once acknowledged, would devour him as it had devoured so many about him and half a civilisation as well."[63]
  10. ^ Though there is substantial circumstantial evidence supporting that date,[70] there is no direct documentary evidence confirming that Joyce and Nora's walk on the Ringsend actually occurred on this day.[71]
  11. ^ Composer Otto Luening, who knew Joyce in Trieste, described his voice as being "mellow and pleasant ... a nice Irish-Italian tenor ... very good for Italian operas of the 17th and 18th centuries".[78]
  12. ^ The details of what happened immediately after the contest are unclear.[84] For example, Oliver Gogarty claims Joyce threw his medal into the Liffey,[85] but Joyce apparently gave the medal to his Aunt Josephine,[86] and it ended up being bought by the choreographer Michael Flatley at an auction in 2004.[87]
  13. ^ Stephen Hero was published after Joyce's death in 1944.[94]
  14. ^ Though Joyce parodied Yeats in "Holy Office", he admired two short stories Yeats had written, "Tables of the Law" and "Adoration of the Magi". The former he memorised by heart and references to both were integrated into Joyce's "Stephen Hero".[97] Joyce admired Yeats's 1899 play The Countess Cathleen as well, which he translated into Italian in 1911.[98]
  15. ^ The title Chamber Music had been suggested by Stanislaus,[103] but Joyce accepted it as a double entendre, implying both the sound of chamber music and the sound of urine falling in a chamber pot.[104]
  16. ^ According to Stanislaus, Russell and Joyce became acquainted through a common interest in theosophy, which he briefly explored after his mother's death.[107] Joyce's knowledge of theosophy appears in his later writing, particularly Finnegans Wake.[108]
  17. ^ Trieste is now in Italy.
  18. ^ After less than an hour in Trieste, Joyce found himself arrested and jailed when he got into the middle of an altercation between three sailors of the Royal Navy and Austro-Hungarian police. He had to be released by the British Vice-Consul.[118]
  19. ^ It is now called Pula and is in Croatia.
  20. ^ It was later rumoured that Joyce had been evicted from Pola when the Austrians—having discovered an espionage ring in the city—expelled all aliens, but the evidence suggests that he moved because the position in Trieste was better.[126]
  21. ^ Joyce's son was named Giorgio when he was born, but later preferred to be called George.[130]
  22. ^ Joyce's Triestine colleague, the writer Italo Svevo states that with the exception of some stories of Dubliners and the "songs" of Chamber Music, "All his other works down to Ulysses were born in Trieste".[141]
  23. ^ Regarding the role of Trieste on the creation of Ulysses, Svevo states "To the Irish critic [Earnest] Boyd, who asserted that Ulysses was merely the product of pre-war thought in Ireland, Valery Larbaud replied 'Yes, in so far as it came to maturity in Trieste'."[146]
  24. ^ In October, Joyce wrote "I have a new story for Dubliners in my head. It deals with Mr. [Alfred] Hunter", the man who was picked him after he was beaten in 1904. In November, he first mentioned the title of the story as "Ulysses", and in Feb 1907, he mentioned "Ulysses" along with "The Dead" and three other stories that never appeared.[159]
  25. ^ Following Richard Ellmann's biography, a number of later biographers also state the attack was due to rheumatic fever,[175] but evidence suggests that syphilis may have been the cause.[176] It may have been the cause of Joyce's eye problems too.[177] The physician J. B. Lyons makes a case that the cause was Reiter's syndrome,[178] though he later suggested that this occurred as an aftereffect of a venereal infection.[179]
  26. ^ Lucia was named after the patron saint of eyesight.[182]
  27. ^ Eva became homesick and returned to Dublin after little more than a year,[197] but Eileen stayed on the continent, eventually marrying a Czech bank cashier, Frantisek Schaurek.[198] The Irish actor Paddy Joyce is their son.[199]
  28. ^ It was in the midst of these frustrations with Richards in 1911 that Joyce was alleged to have thrown the manuscript of the first three chapters of A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man into a stove fire, only to have it rescued by Eileen.[205]
  29. ^ The literary critic Mary Colum, who was personally well-acquainted with Joyce, reports him as saying: "Pound took me out of the gutter."[210]
  30. ^ In 1920, Joyce wrote that the Irish press reported him as the founder of Dada.[237]
  31. ^ Budgen wrote: "Joyce, if asked, what he did during the Great War, could reply: 'I wrote Ulysses.'"[246]
  32. ^ Quinn was an early supporter of Joyce's work in the United States. (cf., Quinn 1917)
  33. ^ Ernest Hemingway became involved in smuggling copies of Ulysses into the United States from Canada.[283]
  34. ^ In March 1923, Joyce wrote "Yesterday I wrote two pages—the first I have since the final Yes of Ulysses. Having found a pen, with some difficulty I copied them out in a large handwriting on a double sheet of foolscap so that I could read them. Il lupo perde il pelo ma non il vizio, the Italians say. 'The wolf may lose his skin but not his vice' or 'the leopard cannot change his spots."[287]
  35. ^ Joyce met T. S. Eliot in Paris in 1923. Eliot became a strong advocate of Joyce's work, arranging publication of parts of Work in Progress, the first complete edition of Finnegans Wake with Faber and Faber and editing the first anthology of Joyce's work the year after his death.[297]
  36. ^ He still retained his sense of humor and appreciation of music during these difficult times. For example, Joyce heard the composer Othmar Schoeck's Song Cycle based on the poems of Gottfried Keller, Lebendig begraben [Buried Alive] while visiting Zürich in 1935. Afterwards, he went to Schoeck's house unannounced and dressed as a tramp to introduce himself to him. Afterwards, he obtained Gottfried Keller's poems and began to translate them.[309]
  37. ^ Jung also states: "It would never occur to me to class Ulysses as a product of schizophrenia ... Ulysses is no more a pathological product than modern art as a whole."[313]
  38. ^ A footnote that Joyce allowed in Gorman's biography,[329] which was written in the 1930s,[330] states: "Among the many whose works he [Joyce] had read may be mentioned Most, Malatesta, Stirner, Bakunin, Élisée Reclus, Spencer and Benjamin Tucker".[331]
  39. ^ In 1918, he declared himself "against every state"[338] and later in the 1930s, he said of the defeated multi-ethnic Hapsburg Empire : "They called the Empire a ramshackle empire, I wish to God there were more such empires."[339]
  40. ^ When Joyce had to renew his passport while residing in Paris during 1935, he wrote Georgio afterwards: "Giorni fa dovevo far rinnovare il mio passaporto. L'impiegato mi disse che aveva ordini di mandare gente come me alla legazione irlandese. Insistetti ed ottenni un altro." [A few days ago I had to have my [British] passport renewed. The clerk told me that he had orders to send people like me to the Irish legation. I insisted and got another one.][349]
  41. ^ Svevo writes: "He is twice a rebel, against England and against Ireland. He hates England and would like to transform Ireland. Yet he belongs so much to England that like a great many of his Irish predecessors he will fill pages of English literary history".[354]
  42. ^ In 1904 Joyce declared to Nora, who he had just recently met: "My mind rejects the whole present social order and Christianity—home, the recognised virtues, classes of life and religious doctrines ... Six years ago I left the Catholic church, hating it most fervently. I found it impossible for me to remain in it on account of the impulses of my nature. I made secret war upon it when I was a student and declined to accept the positions it offered me. By doing this I made myself a beggar, but I retained my pride. Now I make open war upon it by what I write and say and do."[357]
  43. ^ Stanislaus wrote: "It has become a fashion with some of my brother's critics ... to represent him as a man pining for the ancient Church he had abandoned, and at a loss for moral support without the religion in which he was bred. Nothing could be further from the truth. I am convinced that there was never any crisis of belief. The vigor of life within him drove him out of the church".[358]
  44. ^ Colum states: "I have never known anyone with a mind so fundamentally Catholic in structure as Joyce's own, or one on whom the Church, its ceremonies, symbols, and theological declarations had made such an impress".[361]
  45. ^ Joyce told Stanislaus "The Mass on Good Friday seems to me a very great drama."[363]
  46. ^ When a Catholic priest offered to perform a religious service for Joyce's burial, Nora declined, saying, "I couldn't do that to him."[367]
  47. ^ Svevo writes that "what is fundamental in Joyce can be found entire in [Dubliners]".[381]
  48. ^ This structure was not part of the original conception of Ulysses,[391] but by 1921, Joyce was circulating two versions of this structure, known as the Linati schema and Gilbert schema.[392]
  49. ^ Attridge 2013 also critiques interpreting Finnegans Wake as a dream narrative.
  50. ^ See TMO n.d. and Nastasi 2014 for examples of various authors' responses to Joyce.

參考文獻

  1. ^ Ellmann 1982，第505; 789, n. 27頁: Cited from Power, Arthur. From an Old Waterford House. London. n.d.: 63–64. 
  2. ^ Bowker 2012，第19頁.
  3. ^ Costello 1992，第53頁.
  4. ^ Ellmann 1982，第21頁.
  5. ^ Ellmann 1982，第30頁.
  6. ^ Costello 1992，第81頁.
  7. ^ Bowker 2012，第19頁; Ellmann 1982，第23頁.
  8. ^ Jackson & Costello 1998，第20頁.
  9. ^ Beach 1959，第37頁; Joyce 1958，第4頁.
  10. ^ Spielberg 1964，第42–44頁.
  11. ^ Beach 1959，第43頁; Gorman 1939，第328頁; Joyce 1958，第18頁.
  12. ^ Bowker 2012，第25頁; Costello 1992，第63–64頁.
  13. ^ Ellmann 1982，第513–514頁: Vignette cited from Power, Arthur. From an Old Waterford House. London. n.d.: 71. 
  14. ^ Bowker 2012，第38頁; Ellmann 1982，第33頁; Joyce 1958，第44–45頁.
  15. ^ Ellmann 1982，第33頁; Jackson & Costello 1998，第170頁.
  16. ^ McCaffrey 2006，第198–199頁.
  17. ^ McCaffrey 2006，第200頁.
  18. ^ Ellmann 1982，第34–35頁; Jackson & Costello 1998，第172–173頁.
  19. ^ Bowker 2012，第38頁; Jackson & Costello 1998，第173頁.
  20. ^ Ellmann 1982，第34頁; Jackson & Costello 1998，第176頁.
  21. ^ Ellmann 1982，第27, 32, 34頁.
  22. ^ Ellmann 1982，第35頁.
  23. ^ Costello 1992，第132頁; McCourt 1999a，第22頁.
  24. ^ Sullivan 1958，第9–10頁.
  25. ^ Sullivan 1958，第105頁.
  26. ^ Manglaviti 2000，第215頁.
  27. ^ NIAH n.d.
  28. ^ White 2001，第5頁.
  29. ^ Coolahan 2010，第757–758頁.
  30. ^ Ellmann 1982，第58–60頁.
  31. ^ Noon 1957，第6頁; Sullivan 1958，第170頁.
  32. ^ Ellmann 1982，第61頁.
  33. ^ 33.0 33.1 Davies 1982，第86頁.
  34. ^ Davies 1982，第72–73頁; Ellmann 1982，第86–87頁.
  35. ^ Bowker 2012，第79頁.
  36. ^ Joyce 1959，第47頁: "Ibsen's New Drama"
  37. ^ Costello 1992，第158頁; Joyce 1950，第115頁.
  38. ^ Beja 1992，第27頁.
  39. ^ Ellmann 1982，第78頁.
  40. ^ NAI n.d.
  41. ^ Bowker 2012，第77頁; Ellmann 1982，第77頁; O'Connor 1970，第76頁.
  42. ^ Joyce 1901，第7–8頁.
  43. ^ Fogarty 2014，第xv頁.
  44. ^ Cope 1981，第34頁.
  45. ^ Jordan 2012; Kenny 2020，第84, 149頁.
  46. ^ Davies 1982，第91頁.
  47. ^ Bowker 2012，第90頁; Ellmann 1982，第104頁; Hutchins 1957，第53頁.
  48. ^ Bowker 2012，第92–93頁; Davies 1982，第91頁; Ellmann 1982，第104–106頁.
  49. ^ Ellmann 1982，第112–113頁.
  50. ^ Bowker 2012，第100頁; Davies 1982，第98頁; Ellmann 1982，第100頁.
  51. ^ Bowker 2012，第100頁; Costello 1992，第204頁; Gorman 1939，第94頁.
  52. ^ Ellmann 1982，第113頁.
  53. ^ Ellmann 1982，第122頁; O'Brien 2000，第18頁.
  54. ^ Bowker 2012，第108頁; Ellmann 1982，第129頁.
  55. ^ Ellmann 1982，第129頁.
  56. ^ Costello 1992，第210頁.
  57. ^ Nadel 1991，第90–93頁; Witemeyer 1995，第530頁.
  58. ^ Gorman 1939，第110頁.
  59. ^ Ellmann 1982，第760, note 26頁; Bowker 2012，第111頁; Costello 1992，第210頁.
  60. ^ Bowker 2012，第106頁; Costello 1992，第210頁.
  61. ^ Gabler 2018，第11–13頁; Joyce 1966a，第383頁: Letter from May Joyce, 1 September 1916
  62. ^ Bowker 2012，第108頁.
  63. ^ Gorman 1939，第100頁.
  64. ^ Ellmann 1982，第136頁; Gorman 1939，第110頁; Joyce 1958，第234頁.
  65. ^ Joyce 1958，第234頁; O'Brien 2000，第19頁.
  66. ^ Costello 1992，第212頁; Ellmann 1982，第143–144頁; O'Brien 2000，第26頁.
  67. ^ Bowker 2012，第112頁; Davies 1982，第112頁; O'Brien 2000.
  68. ^ Bowker 2012，第113頁; Ellmann 1982，第138–139頁.
  69. ^ Maddox 1989，第23–24頁; O'Brien 2000，第36頁.
  70. ^ Sultan 2000，第28–29頁.
  71. ^ Froula 1990，第857–859頁; Maddox 1989，第27頁.
  72. ^ Bowker 2012，第122–123頁; Davies 1982，第122頁; Ellmann 1982，第156頁.
  73. ^ O'Brien 2000，第37–38頁.
  74. ^ Maddox 1989，第xix頁.
  75. ^ Bowker 2012，第124頁; Costello 1992，第230–231頁.
  76. ^ Bowker 2012，第124頁; Davies 1982，第191, 238頁; Ellmann 1982，第161–162頁.
  77. ^ Witen 2018，第2頁.
  78. ^ Martin & Bauerle 1990，第43–44頁.
  79. ^ Ruff 1969，第225頁.
  80. ^ Feis Ceoil n.d.; Joyce 1950，第15頁.
  81. ^ Hodgart & Bauerle 1997，第46頁.
  82. ^ Joyce 1905b，第29頁.
  83. ^ Dowling 2016，第218頁; O'Callaghan 2020，第86頁.
  84. ^ Witen 2018，第10–11頁.
  85. ^ Gogarty 1948，第26頁.
  86. ^ Ellmann 1982，第152頁; Hutchins 1950，第88頁.
  87. ^ Parsons 2014.
  88. ^ Ellmann 1982，第152頁.
  89. ^ Joyce 1905b，第37頁.
  90. ^ Hodgart & Bauerle 1997，第46頁; Ruff 1969，第225頁.
  91. ^ Hodgart & Bauerle 1997，第48頁; Maddox 1989，第39頁.
  92. ^ SMWJJ n.d.
  93. ^ Joyce 1904a.
  94. ^ Mamigonian & Turner 2003，第348頁.
  95. ^ Joyce 1904b.
  96. ^ Ellmann 1950，第631頁: (see Yeats 1892)
  97. ^ Prescott 1954，第216頁.
  98. ^ Ellmann 1967，第448–450頁.
  99. ^ Ellmann 1982，第166頁.
  100. ^ Bowker 2012，第127頁.
  101. ^ Costello 1992，第220頁; Ellmann 1982.
  102. ^ Bowker 2012，第115頁; Davies 1982，第118頁.
  103. ^ Ellmann 1982，第154頁; Joyce 1958.
  104. ^ Bowker 2012，第113頁; Davies 1982，第118頁.
  105. ^ Costello 1992，第228頁.
  106. ^ Bowker 2012，第126頁.
  107. ^ Joyce 1941，第493頁.
  108. ^ Carver 1978，第201頁; Platt 2008，第281–282頁.
  109. ^ Costello 1992，第127頁; Davies 1982，第118頁.
  110. ^ Bowker 2012，第126頁; Costello 1992，第229–230頁.
  111. ^ Bowker 2012，第130頁; Davies 1982，第131頁; Ellmann 1982，第175頁.
  112. ^ Bowker 2012，第130–132頁; Costello 1992，第232頁; Ellmann 1982，第178–179頁.
  113. ^ Davies 1982，第135頁; O'Brien 2000，第42–43頁.
  114. ^ Ellmann 1982，第183–184頁.
  115. ^ Ellmann 1982，第184頁.
  116. ^ ZJJF n.d.; Fischer 2021，第9頁.
  117. ^ Fischer 2021，第9頁.
  118. ^ Bowker 2011，第670頁; Stanzel 2001，第361頁.
  119. ^ Bowker 2012，第138頁; Ellmann 1982，第186頁.
  120. ^ Maddox 1989，第57頁.
  121. ^ Francini Bruni 1922，第4頁; Ellmann 1982，第186–187頁.
  122. ^ Bowker 2012，第139, 142頁; Maddox 1989，第56頁.
  123. ^ Ellmann 1982，第189頁; Jackson & McGinley 1993，第94頁.
  124. ^ Joyce 1957，第57頁: Letter to Mrs William Murray [Aunt Josephine], New Year's Eve 1904
  125. ^ Bowker 2012，第142 頁; Costello 1992，第256頁; Stanzel 2001，第363頁.
  126. ^ McCourt 2000，第22–23頁; Stanzel 2001，第363頁.
  127. ^ McCourt 2000，第235頁.
  128. ^ McCourt 1999a，第45頁.
  129. ^ Bowker 2012，第147頁; Davies 1982，第147頁.
  130. ^ Fargnoli & Gillespie 1996，第118頁.
  131. ^ Ellmann 1982，第204頁; McCourt 2000，第39頁.
  132. ^ Bowker 2012，第150–151頁; Ellmann 1982，第211–213頁.
  133. ^ Francini Bruni 1947，第39–40頁; Ellmann 1982，第214頁; McCourt 2000，第76頁.
  134. ^ Ellmann1982，第207頁.
  135. ^ Groden 1984，第80–81頁.
  136. ^ Bowker 2012; Hutton 2003，第498–500頁.
  137. ^ Hutton 2003，第503頁.
  138. ^ McCourt 1999a，第44–45頁.
  139. ^ Frank 1926，第74頁.
  140. ^ Hawley & McCourt 2000，4:13–4:17; Rocco-Bergera 1972，第342–349頁.
  141. ^ Svevo 1927，第1頁.
  142. ^ Rocco-Bergera 1972，第344頁.
  143. ^ Hawley & McCourt 2000，1:20–1:30.
  144. ^ Svevo 1927，第3頁.
  145. ^ del Greco Lobner 1985，第73頁; McCourt 1999b，第85頁.
  146. ^ Svevo 1927，第3–4頁.
  147. ^ Crise, Rocco-Bergera & Dalton 1969，第65–69頁; Zanotti 2001，第423頁.
  148. ^ Lang 1993; McCourt 2000，第60-62頁.
  149. ^ JJC 2014.
  150. ^ Joyce 1966a，第218頁: Letter to Stanislaus Joyce, 1 March 1907
  151. ^ Bowker 2012，第222頁; Ellmann 1982，第222頁.
  152. ^ Melchiori 1984a，第9–10頁.
  153. ^ Onorati 1984，第24–26頁.
  154. ^ Melchiori 1984a，第10–11頁.
  155. ^ Spoo 1988，第481–482頁.
  156. ^ Bowker 2012，第160; 163頁.
  157. ^ Costello 1992，第270頁; Ellmann 1958，第509, 511頁.
  158. ^ Bowker 2012，第163頁; Humphreys 1979，第252頁.
  159. ^ Joyce 1966a，第168, 190,209頁: Letters to Stanislaus Joyce, 4 October 1906, 13 November 1906, 6 February 1907, respectively.
  160. ^ Beja 1992，第50頁; Costello 1992，第270頁.
  161. ^ McCourt 2000，第68–69頁.
  162. ^ Nadel 1986，第302頁.
  163. ^ Bowker 2012，第230頁; Humphreys 1979，第252頁; Manganiello 1980，第52頁; Melchiori 1984b，第43頁.
  164. ^ Bowker 2012，第160, 162頁; Melchiori 1984a，第10頁.
  165. ^ Shloss 2005，第46–47頁.
  166. ^ Melchiori 1984a，第11頁.
  167. ^ Bowker 2012，第166頁.
  168. ^ Staley 1964，第61頁.
  169. ^ Ellmann 1982，第272頁; Nadel 1986，第301頁.
  170. ^ Staley 1963，第334頁; Rocco-Bergera 1972，第116頁.
  171. ^ Bowker 2012，第176頁; Davison 1994，第70頁.
  172. ^ Bulson 2006，第8頁; Costello 1992，第271頁; Gibson 2006，第84–85頁; Mason 1956，第117頁.
  173. ^ Gibson 2006，第84–85頁; McCourt 2000，第92頁.
  174. ^ Bowker 2012，第169頁; Beja 1992，第50頁; Costello 1992，第274頁; Davies 1982，第176頁; Ellmann 1982，第262頁.
  175. ^ McCourt 2019，第536–537頁.
  176. ^ Schneider 2001，第469頁.
  177. ^ Birmingham 2014，第289–290頁; Davies 1982，第391–392頁; Ferris 1995，第5頁; Hayden 2003，第241–242頁; McCourt 2019，第537頁.
  178. ^ Lyons 1973，第205頁.
  179. ^ Lyons 2000，第306頁: "The iritis may have been caused by ... Reiter's disease. This follows a chlamydial infection; This may have been acquired during a carousal ... on his return to Trieste from Rome."
  180. ^ Birmingham 2014，第256頁; Ellmann 1982，第28頁.
  181. ^ Bowker 2012，第168頁; Pelaschiar 1999，第66–67頁.
  182. ^ Ellmann 1982，第262頁.
  183. ^ Ellmann 1958，第512 512.頁.
  184. ^ Briggs 2011，第637頁:(cf., Kelly 2011，第626頁)
  185. ^ Bowker 2012，第173頁; Ellmann 1982，第268頁.
  186. ^ Bowker 2012，第173頁.
  187. ^ Bollettieri Bosinelli 2013，第1115頁.
  188. ^ Hodgart & Bauerle 1997，第52頁.
  189. ^ Ellmann 1982，第267頁.
  190. ^ Ellmann 1982，第276頁.
  191. ^ Bowker 2012，第181頁.
  192. ^ Hutton 2003，第495頁.
  193. ^ Davies 1982，第195–196頁.
  194. ^ Sicker 2006，第99–100頁.
  195. ^ McCourt 2000，第146–147頁.
  196. ^ Bowker 2012，第180–191頁.
  197. ^ Ellmann 1982，第310頁.
  198. ^ Delimata 1981，第45頁; Ellmann 1982，第384–385頁.
  199. ^ Delimata 1981，第48, 62頁.
  200. ^ Ellmann 1982，第311–313頁.
  201. ^ JMT 2013.
  202. ^ Berrone & Joyce 1976，第3頁.
  203. ^ Bowker 2012，第198–199頁.
  204. ^ Bowker 2012，第206頁.
  205. ^ Bowker 2012，第197頁.
  206. ^ Joyce 1959，第242–245頁: "Gas from a Burner"
  207. ^ Bowker 2012，第204–205頁.
  208. ^ Bowker 2012，第212頁.
  209. ^ Hutton 2003，第495–496頁.
  210. ^ Colum 1947，第383頁.
  211. ^ Gibson 2006，第93頁.
  212. ^ Kelly 1993，第21頁; Walkiewicz 1982，第512頁.
  213. ^ Bowker 2012，第211頁.
  214. ^ Gabler 1974，第1頁.
  215. ^ Brivic 1968，第29頁.
  216. ^ Bowker 2012，第214頁; McCourt 2000，第196–197頁.
  217. ^ Bowker 2012，第217頁; Ellmann 1982，第389頁; McCourt 2000，第246頁.
  218. ^ Spoo 1986，第137頁.
  219. ^ Beja 1992，第71頁; McCourt 2000，第245–247頁.
  220. ^ Stanzel 2001，第364–365頁.
  221. ^ Bowker 2012，第217頁; Ellmann 1982，第386頁; Gibson 2006，第106, 116頁.
  222. ^ Stanzel 2001，第365頁.
  223. ^ Fischer 2021，第15頁; McCourt 1999a，第76頁.
  224. ^ Beja 1992，第75–76頁; McCourt 1999a，第82頁.
  225. ^ Gibson 2006，第132頁.
  226. ^ McCourt 1999a，第82頁.
  227. ^ Bowker 2012，第234, 238頁.
  228. ^ Bowker 2012，第228頁; Grandt 2003，第78頁; Maddox 1989，第141頁.
  229. ^ Beja 1992，第78頁; Gorman 1939，第232頁.
  230. ^ Gorman 1939，第233頁; Maddox 1989，第142頁; Borach 1931，第325頁.
  231. ^ Suter 1926，第61頁.
  232. ^ Budgen 1934，第9–15頁; Gorman 1939，第233頁.
  233. ^ Potts 1979，第59頁.
  234. ^ Ellmann 1982，第603頁; Zweig 1941，第275頁.
  235. ^ Nadel 1989，第151頁.
  236. ^ Nadel 2008，第485頁.
  237. ^ Joyce 1966b，第22頁: Letter to Stanislaus Joyce, 14 September 1920
  238. ^ Ellmann 1982，第409頁; Gibson 2006，第116頁.
  239. ^ McCourt 1999a，第74頁.
  240. ^ Ellmann 1982，第409頁; Hodgart & Bauerle 1997，第55頁.
  241. ^ Grandt 2003，第75頁.
  242. ^ Grandt 2003，第77頁; Luening 1980，第197頁.
  243. ^ Gibson 2006，第107–108頁; Gorman 1939，第233, 240–241頁; Manganiello 1980，第162頁.
  244. ^ Gorman 1939.
  245. ^ Beja 1992，第71頁; Manganiello 1980，第162–163頁.
  246. ^ Budgen 1934，第190頁.
  247. ^ McCourt 1999a，第73–74頁.
  248. ^ Beja 1992，第60頁.
  249. ^ Bowker 2012，第241頁; Gibson 2006，第132頁.
  250. ^ Fischer 2021，第190頁.
  251. ^ Gibson 2006，第111頁.
  252. ^ McCourt 1999a，第78頁.
  253. ^ Beja 1992，第73頁.
  254. ^ Maddox 1989，第154頁; McCourt 1999a，第78頁.
  255. ^ Gorman 1939，第261頁.
  256. ^ Beja 1992，第72–73頁; Gibson 2006，第112–113頁; Rushing 2000，第371–372頁.
  257. ^ Bowker 2012，第254頁; Gibson 2006，第113–114頁.
  258. ^ Beja 1992，第75頁; Bowker 2012，第257頁; Gorman 1939，第264頁.
  259. ^ McCourt 1999a，第85頁.
  260. ^ Bowker 2012，第273, 275頁; Gibson 2006，第132頁.
  261. ^ Gorman 1939，第270頁.
  262. ^ Bowker 2012，第273–274頁; Gibson 2006，第132頁.
  263. ^ Livak 2012，第143頁.
  264. ^ Beach 1959，第36–38頁; Bowker 2012，第276–277頁; Gibson 2006，第134頁.
  265. ^ Bowker 2012，第292, 297頁.
  266. ^ Gorman 1939，第286頁.
  267. ^ Bowker 2012，第274頁; Gibson 2006，第134–135頁.
  268. ^ Monnier & Beach 1946，第430頁: see Larbaud 1922
  269. ^ Beja 1992，第100頁; Ellmann 1982，第499頁.
  270. ^ Gibson 2006，第133頁; Harrington 1998，第841–842頁.
  271. ^ 271.0 271.1 Rainey 1996，第535頁.
  272. ^ Beja 1992，第72頁.
  273. ^ Vanderham 1997，第6,29頁; Weir 2000，第389, 391–392頁.
  274. ^ Anderson 1921.
  275. ^ Ellmann 1982，第502–503頁.
  276. ^ Bowker 2012，第286頁; Ellmann 1982，第504頁.
  277. ^ Beja 1992，第83頁; Bowker 2012，第286頁.
  278. ^ Medina Casado 2000，第479頁.
  279. ^ Beach 1959，第47頁; Beja 1992，第85頁; Bowker 2012，第288頁; Ellmann 1982，第504頁.
  280. ^ Bowker 2012，第289–290頁; Ellmann 1982，第504–506頁.
  281. ^ Bowker 2012，第315頁; Ellmann 1982，第506頁.
  282. ^ Beja 1992，第86頁.
  283. ^ Beja 1992，第85頁; Bowker 2012，第312–313頁.
  284. ^ Beja 1992，第93–94頁.
  285. ^ Medina Casado 2000，第93–94頁.
  286. ^ Bowker 2012，第318頁; Davies 1982，第307頁.
  287. ^ Joyce 1957，第202頁: Letter to Harriet Shaw Weaver, March 1923
  288. ^ Bowker 2012，第322頁; Ellmann 1982，第522頁.
  289. ^ Joyce 1966b，第102頁: Letter from Stanislaus Joyce, 7 August 1924; Pound 1967，第228頁: Letter to James Joyce, 15 November 1926; Ellmann 1982，第590頁: Letter from Weaver, 4 February 1927
  290. ^ Beja 1992，第92頁; Bulson 2006，第94頁.
  291. ^ Ellmann 1982，第613頁.
  292. ^ Ellmann 1982，第613頁; Henke 1991，第613–615頁.
  293. ^ Dilks 2004，第720頁.
  294. ^ Weisenfarth 1991，第100頁.
  295. ^ Beja 1992，第121頁.
  296. ^ Loukopoulou 2011，第699–700頁.
  297. ^ Dalton 1968，第79頁; Nadel 1990，第512–513頁; Also see Joyce's note mentioned in Fahy 1993，第8頁 regarding the publication date of Finnegans Wake
  298. ^ Beja 1992，第78頁; Bowker 2012，第400頁; Davies 1982，第334頁; Ellmann 1982，第622頁.
  299. ^ Gibson 2006，第151–152頁.
  300. ^ Birmingham 2014，第256頁.
  301. ^ Beja 1992，第78頁; Bowker 2012，第320頁.
  302. ^ Beja 1992，第93頁; Bowker 2012，第364頁; Gibson 2006，第149頁.
  303. ^ Ellmann 1982，第632頁; Osteen 1995a，第14–15頁.
  304. ^ Petroski 1974，第1024頁.
  305. ^ Ellmann 1982，第622頁; Maddox 1989，第255頁.
  306. ^ Bowker 2011，第673頁; Ellmann 1982，第622頁.
  307. ^ Bowker 2012，第419頁; Loukopoulou 2011，第687頁.
  308. ^ Bowker 2011，第675-675頁.
  309. ^ Ellmann 1982，第669頁; Gerber 2010，第479頁.
  310. ^ Fischer 2021，第22–23頁.
  311. ^ Beja 1992，第115頁.
  312. ^ Jung 1952，第116–117頁; Shloss 2005，第278頁.
  313. ^ Jung 1952，第117頁.
  314. ^ Shloss 2005，第297頁.
  315. ^ Bowker 2012; Shloss 2005，第7頁.
  316. ^ Beja 1992，第122頁.
  317. ^ Bowker 2012，第500頁; Nadel 1986，第306–308頁.
  318. ^ Gibson 2006，第155–156頁.
  319. ^ Ellmann 1982，第740–741頁.
  320. ^ Ellmann 1982，第743頁.
  321. ^ 321.0 321.1 321.2 Jordan 2018.
  322. ^ Bowker 2012，第534頁.
  323. ^ Horgan-Jones 2019.
  324. ^ The Irish Times 2019.
  325. ^ Manganiello 1980，第2頁; MacCabe 2003，第xv頁; Orr 2008，第3頁.
  326. ^ Cheng 1995，第1–2頁; Deane 1997，第32頁; Gibson 2006，第32頁; Kiberd 1996，第10頁; Seidel 2008.
  327. ^ Fairhall 1993，第50頁; Scholes 1992，第167–168頁; Sultan 1987，第208頁.
  328. ^ Fairhall 1993，第50頁; Manganiello 1980，第72頁.
  329. ^ Rabaté 2001，第27頁.
  330. ^ Nadel 1991，第91頁.
  331. ^ Gorman 1939，第183,fn1頁.
  332. ^ Caraher 2009，第288頁.
  333. ^ Sultan 1987，第209頁.
  334. ^ Gibson 2006，第83頁; MacCabe 2003，第160頁; McCourt 2000，第93頁.
  335. ^ Fairhall 1993，第50頁; Scholes 1992，第165頁.
  336. ^ Gibson 2002，第13頁; Segall 1993，第6頁; Seidel 2008，第7–9頁.
  337. ^ Fairhall 1993，第54–55頁; Caraher 2009，第288頁.
  338. ^ Fairhall 1993，第52頁.
  339. ^ Robinson 2001，第332頁.
  340. ^ Segall 1993，第6頁.
  341. ^ Ellmann 1977，第80,86頁; Gibson 2002，第13頁; Watson 1987，第41頁.
  342. ^ Gibson 2006，第164–165頁; Nolan 1995，第143頁: "The Irish Civil War also forms an integral component of the fraternal antagonism between the sons of the Wakean family."
  343. ^ Cheng 1995，第251–252頁; MacCabe 2003，第xv–xvi頁.
  344. ^ Sollers 1978，第108頁.
  345. ^ de Sola Rodstein 1998，第155頁.
  346. ^ Gibson 2006，第82頁; Pelaschiar 1999，第64頁.
  347. ^ Davies 1982，第299頁.
  348. ^ Bowker 2012，第475頁.
  349. ^ Joyce 1966b，第353–354頁: Letter to Georgio (Postscript to missing letter), about 10 April 1935
  350. ^ Bowker 2012; Ellmann 1982，第738頁.
  351. ^ Bowker 2011，第669頁; Davies 1982，第299頁.
  352. ^ Davies 1982，第298–299頁; de Sola Rodstein 1998，第146頁; Seidel 2008，第10頁.
  353. ^ Lernout 2010，第210頁: "To the dismay of Joyce and other intellectuals, the Irish Free State of 1922 adopted the catholic culture that had already been dominant in the powerful coalition between the bishops and the nationalist party".
  354. ^ Svevo 1927，第15–16 頁.
  355. ^ McCourt 2000，第50頁.
  356. ^ Van Mierlo 2017，第3頁.
  357. ^ Joyce 1966a，第48–49頁: Letter to Nora Barnacle, 29 August 1904
  358. ^ Joyce 1958，第130頁.
  359. ^ Eco 1982，第2頁.
  360. ^ Ellmann 1982，第27頁; Gorman 1939，第26頁; Hederman 1982，第20頁; Mahon 2004，第349頁; Sullivan 1958，第7–8頁.
  361. ^ Colum 1947，第381頁.
  362. ^ Francini Bruni 1922，第35–36頁; Joyce 1958，第105頁.
  363. ^ Joyce 1958，第104頁.
  364. ^ Joyce Schaurek 1963，第64頁.
  365. ^ Benstock 1961，第417頁; Ellmann 1982b，§3: "Joyce wrote to Nora. 'Now I make open war upon it [The Catholic Church] by what I write and say and do.' His actions accorded with this policy."; Lernout 2010，第6頁.
  366. ^ Ellmann 1982，第65–66頁; Lernout 2010，第6頁.
  367. ^ Ellmann 1982，第742頁: citing a 1953 interview with Giorgio Joyce.
  368. ^ Benstock 1961，第417, 437頁; Cunningham 2007，第509, 512n頁; Lang 1993，第15頁.
  369. ^ Ellmann 1982b，§7: "His most adroit manoeuvre is taking over its [The Catholic Church's] vocabulary for his own secular purposes."; Hibbert 2011，第198頁; Lang 1993，第15頁.
  370. ^ Noon 1957，第14–15頁; Strong 1949，第11–12頁.
  371. ^ Boyle 1978，第x–xi頁; Strong 1949，第158–161頁.
  372. ^ Segall 1993，第140頁.
  373. ^ Segall 1993，第160頁.
  374. ^ Ellmann 1982，第65–66頁; Jung 1952，第120頁:cf., an earlier translation of Jung's statement (Jung 1949，第10頁, also quoted in Noon 1957，第15頁)
  375. ^ Hibbert 2011，第198–199頁; Morse 1959.
  376. ^ Gibson 2006，第41頁; Hughs 1992，第40–41頁.
  377. ^ Eco 1982，第4頁.
  378. ^ Davison 1998，第78頁.
  379. ^ Osteen 1995b，第483–484頁.
  380. ^ Gibson 2006，第73頁; Joyce 1957，第62–63頁: Letter to Grant Richards, 23 June 1906
  381. ^ Svevo 1927，第20頁.
  382. ^ Groden n.d.
  383. ^ Walzl 1977:cf., Halper 1979，第476–477頁
  384. ^ Rando 2016，第47頁.
  385. ^ Riquelme 1983，第51頁.
  386. ^ Spender 1970，第749頁.
  387. ^ Clark 1968，第69頁.
  388. ^ CI n.d.
  389. ^ Doyle 1965，第90頁.
  390. ^ Kimpel 1975，第283–285頁.
  391. ^ Fludernik 1986，第184頁; Groden 2007，第223頁; Litz 1964，第34頁.
  392. ^ Emerson 2017，第55頁.
  393. ^ Kimpel 1975，第311–313頁.
  394. ^ Attridge 1997，第27頁; Dettmar 1992，第285頁.
  395. ^ Attridge 1997，第27頁; Dettmar 1992，第285頁; Wykes 1968，第305頁.
  396. ^ Budgen 1934，第67–68頁.
  397. ^ Ellmann 1982，第363–366頁.
  398. ^ Hegglund 2003，第168–167頁.
  399. ^ 399.0 399.1 Sherry 2004，第102頁.
  400. ^ Kumar 1957，第30頁; Thompson 1964，第80頁.
  401. ^ Atherton 1960，第22–23頁.
  402. ^ Attridge 2007，第85–86頁.
  403. ^ Schotter 2010，第89頁.
  404. ^ Attridge 2013，第195-197頁.
  405. ^ Downes 2003，第37–38頁; Gorman 1939，第332–333頁; Rabaté 1989，第31頁.
  406. ^ Atherton 1960，第36–37頁; Beckett 1929，第17頁.
  407. ^ Atherton 1960，第29–31頁; Beckett 1929，第17頁; Gorman 1939，第332–333頁.
  408. ^ Joyce 1939，第3頁: Atherton 1960 points out that "vicus" is a pun on Vico.
  409. ^ Joyce 1939，第628頁.
  410. ^ Shockley 2009，第104頁.
  411. ^ Attridge 1997，第https://archive.org/details/cambridgecompani0000unse_s3a6/page/n19 1]頁.
  412. ^ Attridge 1997，第1頁.
  413. ^ Mullin 2014.
  414. ^ Levitt 2006，第390–391頁.
  415. ^ Attridge 2007，第4頁; Chun 2015，第75頁; Lernout 1992，第19頁.
  416. ^ Attridge 1997，第3頁.
  417. ^ Latham 2009，第148頁.
  418. ^ Murphy 2014.
  419. ^ Killeen 2012.
  420. ^ Harnett 2019.
  421. ^ MoLI n.d.
  422. ^ Biggers 2015，第215–221頁.
  423. ^ UCL 2016.

來源

書籍
期刊文章
  • Attridge, Derek. Finnegans awake: The dream of interpretation. James Joyce Quarterly. 2013, 50 (1/2): 185–202. JSTOR 24598778. S2CID 170426109. doi:10.1353/jjq.2012.0072. 
  • Benstock, Bernard. The Final Apostacy: James Joyce and Finnegans Wake. ELH. 1961, 28 (4): 417–437. JSTOR 2871822. doi:10.2307/2871822. 
  • Berrone, Louis; Joyce, James. Two James Joyce essays unveiled: "The Centenary of Charles Dickens" and "L'influenza letteraria universale del rinascimento". Journal of Modern Literature. 1976, 5 (1): 3–18. JSTOR 3830952. 
  • Bollettieri Bosinelli, Rosa Maria. Riders to the Sea/La Cavalcata al Mare by John Millington Synge, translated by James Joyce and Nicolò Vidacovich [Review]. James Joyce Quarterly. 2013, 50 (4): 1114–1118. JSTOR 24598738. S2CID 161160149. doi:10.1353/jjq.2013.0072. 
  • Borach, Georges. Conversations with James Joyce. College English. 1954, 15 (6): 325–327. JSTOR 371650. doi:10.2307/371650.  已忽略未知參數|orig-date= (幫助)
  • Bowker, Gordon. Joyce in England. James Joyce Quarterly. 2011, 48 (4): 667–681. JSTOR 24598884. S2CID 162310457. doi:10.1353/jjq.2011.0093. 
  • Briggs, Austin. Joyce's drinking. James Joyce Quarterly. 2011, 48 (4): 637–666. JSTOR 24598883. S2CID 162042715. doi:10.1353/jjq.2011.0096. 
  • Brivic, Sheldon R. Structure and meaning in Joyce's Exiles. James Joyce Quarterly. 1968, 6 (1): 29–52. JSTOR 25486737. 
  • Carver, Craig. James Joyce and the theory of magic. James Joyce Quarterly. 1978, 15 (3): 201–214. JSTOR 25476132. 
  • Chun, Eunkyung. Finnegans Wake: A postmodern vision of world literature. Journal of Irish Studies. 2015, 30: 71–76. JSTOR 43737511. 
  • Clark, John Earl. James Joyce's Exiles. James Joyce Quarterly. 1968, 6 (1): 69–78. JSTOR 25486739. 
  • Crise, Stelio; Rocco-Bergera, Niny; Dalton, Jack P. Ahab, pizdrool, quark. James Joyce Quarterly. 1969, 7 (1): 65–69. JSTOR 25486807. 
  • Dalton, Jack P. A letter from T. S. Eliot. James Joyce Quarterly. 1968, 6 (1): 79–81. JSTOR 25486740. 
  • Davison, Neil R. Joyce's homosocial reckoning: Italo Svevo, aesthetics, and A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. Modern Language Studies. 1994, 24 (3): 69–92. JSTOR 3194849. doi:10.2307/3194849. 
  • Dilks, Stephen John. Selling Work in Progress. James Joyce Quarterly. 2004, 41 (4): 719–744. JSTOR 25478104. 
  • Downes, Gareth Joseph. The heretical Auctoritas of Giordano Bruno: The significance of the brunonian presence in James Joyce's "The Day of the Rabblement" and Stephen Hero. Joyce Studies Annual. 2003, 14: 37–73. JSTOR 26285203. S2CID 162878408. doi:10.1353/joy.2004.0003. 
  • Doyle, Paul A. Joyce's Miscellaneous Verse. James Joyce Quarterly. 1965, 2 (2): 90–96. JSTOR 25486486. 
  • Ellmann, Richard. Joyce and Yeats. Kenyon Review. 1950, 12 (1): 618–638. JSTOR 4333187. 
  • Ellmann, Richard. The Backgrounds of 'The Dead'. The Kenyon Review. 1958, 20 (4): 507–528. JSTOR 4333899. 
  • Emerson, Kent. Joyce's Ulysses: A database narrative. Joyce Studies Annual. 2017: 40–64. JSTOR 26798610. 
  • Fahy, Catherine. The James Joyce/Paul Léon Papers in the National Library of Ireland: Observations on their cataloguing and research potential. Joyce Studies Annual. 1993, 4 (4): 3–15. JSTOR 26283682. 
  • Fludernik, Monika. "Ulysses" and Joyce's change of artistic aims: external and internal evidence. James Joyce Quarterly. 1986, 23 (2): 173–186. JSTOR 25476719. 
  • Froula, Christine. History's nightmare, fiction's dream: Joyce and the psychohistory of Ulysses. Papers from the Joyce and History Conference at Yale, October 1990, Pp. 857–872. 1990, 28 (4): 857–872. JSTOR 25485215. 
  • Gabler, Hans Walter. Toward a critical text of James Joyce's Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. Studies in Bibliography. 1974, 27: 1–53. JSTOR 40371587. 
  • Gerber, Richard J. "James Joyce: A Concert of Music" by George Antheil, Othmar Schoeck, Mátyás Gyorgy Seiber, performed by the American Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Leon Botstein, with Collegiate Chorale Singers. James Joyce Quarterly. 2010, 47 (3): 478–484. JSTOR 23048756. S2CID 162186078. doi:10.1353/jjq.2011.0016. 
  • Grandt, Jürgen E. Might be what you like, till you hear the words": Joyce in Zurich and the contrapuntal language of Ulysses. Joyce Studies Annual. 2003, 14: 74–91. JSTOR 26285204. S2CID 153695047. doi:10.1353/joy.2004.0005. 
  • del Greco Lobner, Corinna. James Joyce and Italian Futurism. Irish University Review. 1985, 15 (1): 73–92. JSTOR 25477575. 
  • Groden, Michael. Joyce at work on "Cyclops": Toward a biography of "Ulysses". James Joyce Quarterly. 2007, 44 (2): 217–245. JSTOR 25571018. S2CID 162357164. doi:10.1353/jjq.2007.0035. 
  • Halper, Nathan. The life chronology of Dubliners (II). James Joyce Quarterly. 1979, 16 (4): 473–477. JSTOR 25476225. 
  • Harrington, Judith. Eighteen way of seeing Joyce's Paris. James Joyce Quarterly. 1998, 36 (1): 841–849. JSTOR 25473958. 
  • Hederman, Mark Patrick. James Joyce, priest and poet. The Crane Bag. 1982, 6 (1): 20–30. JSTOR 30059526. 
  • Hegglund, Jon. Ulysses and the Rhetoric of Cartography. Twentieth Century Literature. 2003, 49 (2): 164–192. JSTOR 3176000. doi:10.2307/3176000. 
  • Hibbert, Jeffrey. Joyce's loss of faith. Journal of Modern Literature. 2011, 34 (2): 196–203. JSTOR 10.2979/jmodelite.34.2.196. S2CID 162597336. doi:10.2979/jmodelite.34.2.196. 
  • Humphreys, Susan L. Ferrero Etc: James Joyce's Debt to Guglielmo Ferrero. James Joyce Quarterly. 1979, 16 (3): 239–251. JSTOR 25476189. 
  • Hutton, Clare. Chapters of moral history: Failing to publish Dubliners. James Joyce Quarterly. 2003, 97 (4): 495–519. JSTOR 24295682. 
  • Kelly, Joseph. Pound's Joyce. James Joyce Literary Supplement. 1993, 7 (1): 21–23. JSTOR 26635100. 
  • Kelly, Joseph. Joyce's exile: The prodigal son. Innovative Fiction. 2011, 48 (4): 603–635. JSTOR 24598882. S2CID 154371272. doi:10.1353/jjq.2011.0075. 
  • Kimpel, Ben D. Joyce's exile: The voice of Ulysses. James Joyce Quarterly. 1975, 9 (3): 283–319. JSTOR 45108722. 
  • Kumar, Shiv K. Space-time polarity in Finnegans Wake. Modern Philology. 1957, 53 (4): 230–233. JSTOR 434978. S2CID 162207656. doi:10.1086/389169. 
  • Levitt, Morton P. Beyond Dublin: Joyce and Modernism. Journal of Modern Literature. 2006, 22 (2): 385–394. JSTOR 3831743. 
  • Livak, Leonid. A Thankless Occupation: James Joyce and his Translator Ludmila Savitzky (PDF). Toronto Slavic Quarterly. Summer 2012, (41). （原始內容 (PDF)存檔於26 March 2021）. 
  • Loukopoulou, Eleni. Joyce's progress through London: Conquering the English publishing market. James Joyce Quarterly. 2011, 48 (4): 683–710. JSTOR 24598885. S2CID 162194997. doi:10.1353/jjq.2011.0089. 
  • Lyons, J. B. James Joyce: Steps towards a diagnosis. Journal of the History of the Neurosciences. 2000, 9 (3): 294–306. PMID 11232371. doi:10.1076/0964-704x(200012)9:3;1-#;ft294. 
  • Mahon, John W. Joyce among the brothers. Christianity and Literature. 2004, 53 (3): 349–359. JSTOR 44313324. doi:10.1177/014833310405300304. 
  • Mamigonian, Marc A.; Turner, John Noel. Annotations for Stephen Hero. James Joyce Quarterly. 2003, 40 (3): 347–505, 507–518. JSTOR 25477965. 
  • Manglaviti, Leo M. Sticking to the Jesuits: A revisit to Belvedere House. James Joyce Quarterly. 2000, 37 (1/2): 214–224. JSTOR 25474127. 
  • Martin, Timothy; Bauerle, Ruth. The voice from the prompt vox: Otto Luening remembers James Joyce in Zurich. Journal of Modern Literature. 1990, 17 (1): 34–48. JSTOR 3831401. 
  • Mason, Ellsworth. James Joyce's shrill note. The Piccolo della Seraarticles. Twentieth Century Literature. 1956, 2 (3): 115–139. JSTOR 440499. doi:10.2307/440499. 
  • McCourt, John. James Joyce: Triestine Futurist?. James Joyce Quarterly. 1999b, 36 (2): 85–105. JSTOR 25473995. 
  • Medina Casado, Carmelo. Sifting through Censorship: The British Home Office Ulysses Files (1922–1936). James Joyce Quarterly. 2000, 37 (3/4): 479–508. JSTOR 25477754. 
  • Monnier, Adrienne. 由Beach, Sylvia翻譯. Joyce's Ulysses and the French public. Kenyon Review. 1946, 8 (3): 430–444. JSTOR 4332775. 
  • Nadel, Ira B. Joyce and the Jews. Modern Judaism. 1986, 6 (3): 301–302. JSTOR 1396219. doi:10.1093/mj/6.3.301. 
  • Nadel, Ira B. Joyce and Expressionism. Journal of Modern Literature. 1989, 16 (1): 141–160. JSTOR 3831378. 
  • Nadel, Ira B. Anthologizing Joyce: the example of T. S. Eliot. James Joyce Quarterly. 1990, 27 (3): 509–515. JSTOR 25485058. 
  • Nadel, Ira B. The incomplete joyce. Joyce Studies Annual. 1991, 2: 86–100. JSTOR 26283639. 
  • Nadel, Ira B. Travesties: Tom Stoppard's Joyce and other Dadaist fantasies, or history in a hat. James Joyce Quarterly. 2008, 45 (3/4): 481–492. JSTOR 30244390. S2CID 161243903. doi:10.1353/jjq.0.0086. 
  • Osteen, Mark. "A Splendid Bazaar": The shopper's guide to the New Dubliners (PDF). Studies in Short Fiction. 1995b, 32: 483–496. （原始內容 (PDF)存檔於22 September 2021） –透過markosteen.files.wordpress.com. 
  • Pelaschiar, Laura. Stanislaus Joyce's Book of Days: The Triestine Diary. James Joyce Quarterly. 1999, 36 (2): 61–71. JSTOR 25473993. 
  • Petroski, Henry. What are pomes?. Journal of Modern Literature. 1974, 3 (4): 1021–1026. JSTOR 3830909. 
  • Platt, Len. Madame Blavatsky and theosophy in Finnegans Wake: An Annotated List (PDF). James Joyce Quarterly. 2008, 45 (2): 281–300. JSTOR 30244358. S2CID 162009870. doi:10.1353/jjq.0.0057. 
  • Prescott, Joseph. James Joyce's Stephen Hero. The Journal of English and Germanic Philology. 1954, 53 (2): 214–223. JSTOR 27713665. 
  • Rabaté, Jean-Michele. Bruno no, Bruno ii: Note on a contradiction in Joyce. James Joyce Quarterly. 1989, 27 (1): 31–39. JSTOR 25485004. 
  • Rainey, Lawrence. Consuming investments: James Joyce's Ulysses. James Joyce Quarterly. 1996, 33 (4): 531–567. JSTOR 25473767. 
  • Rando, David P. The future of Joyce's A Portrait: The Künstlerroman and hope.. Dublin James Joyce Journal. 2016, 9: 47–67. S2CID 29727253. doi:10.1353/djj.2016.0003. （原始內容存檔於7 March 2020）. 
  • Robinson, Richard. A stranger in the House of Habsburg: Joyce's ramshackle empire. James Joyce Quarterly. 2001, 38 (3/4): 321–339. JSTOR 25477811. 
  • Rocco-Bergera, Ninny. James Joyce and Trieste. James Joyce Quarterly. 1972, 9 (3): 342–349. JSTOR 25486995. 
  • Ruff, Lillian M. James Joyce and Arnold Dolmetsch. James Joyce Quarterly. 1969, 6 (3): 224–230. JSTOR 25486770. 
  • Rushing, Conrad. The English Players Incident: What really happened?. James Joyce Quarterly. 2000, 37 (3/4): 371–388. JSTOR 25477748. 
  • Schneider, Erik. "A Grievious Distemper": Joyce and the Rheumatic Fever Episode. James Joyce Quarterly. 2001, 38 (3/4): 453–475. JSTOR 25477818. 
  • Schotter, Jesse. Verbivocovisuals: James Joyce and the Problem of Babel. James Joyce Quarterly. 2010, 48 (1): 89–109. JSTOR 41429838. S2CID 154293772. doi:10.1353/jjq.2010.0045. 
  • Sicker, Philip. Evenings at the Volta: Cinematic afterimiages in Joyce. Italica. 2006, 42/43 (1/4): 334–338. JSTOR 25570961. 
  • Spielberg, Peter. Take a shaggy dog by the tale. James Joyce Quarterly. 1964, 1 (3): 42–44. JSTOR 25486441. 
  • Spoo, Robert. "Nestor" and the Nightmare: The presence of the Great War in Ulysses. Journal of Modern Literature. 1986, 14 (4): 481–497. JSTOR 3831561. 
  • Spoo, Robert. Joyce's Attitudes toward History: Rome, 1906–07. Twentieth Century Literature. 1988, 32 (2): 137–154. JSTOR 441379. doi:10.2307/441379. 
  • de Sola Rodstein, Susan. Back to 1904: Joyce, Ireland, and nationalism.. European Joyce Studies. 1998, 8: 145–185. JSTOR 44871195. 
  • Staley, Thomas F. James Joyce and Italo Svevo. Italica. 1963, 40 (4): 334–338. JSTOR 476822. doi:10.2307/476822. 
  • Staley, Thomas F. The Search for Leopold Bloom: James Joyce and Italo Svevo. James Joyce Quarterly. 1964, 1 (4): 59–63. JSTOR 25486462. 
  • Stanzel, Frank K. Austria's Surveillance of Joyce in Pola, Trieste, and Zurich. James Joyce Quarterly. 2001, 38 (3/4): 361–371. JSTOR 25477813. 
  • Sultan, Stanley. Joyceday. Joyce Studies Annual. 2000, 11: 27–48. JSTOR 26285213. 
  • Thompson, William Irwin. The language of Finnegans Wake. Sewanee Review. 1964, 72 (1): 78–90. JSTOR 27540957. 
  • Walkiewicz, E. P. Joyce/Pound: Dublin '82. Paideuma: Modern and Contemporary Poetry and Poetics. 1982, 11 (3): 511–517. JSTOR 24725366. 
  • Walzl, Florence L. The life chronology of Dubliners. James Joyce Quarterly. 1977, 14 (4): 408–415. JSTOR 25476081. 
  • Weir, David. What did he know and when did he know it: The Little Review,, Joyce, and Ulysses. James Joyce Quarterly. 2000, 37 (3/4): 389–412. JSTOR 25477749. 
  • Weisenfarth, Joseph. Fargobawlers: James Joyce and Ford Madox Ford. James Joyce Quarterly. 1991, 14 (2): 95–116. JSTOR 23539891. 
  • Witemeyer, Hugh. "He gave the name": Herbert Gorman's rectifications of James Joyce: His First Forty Years. James Joyce Quarterly. 1995, 32 (3/4): 523–532. JSTOR 25473660. 
  • Wykes, David. The Odyssey in Ulysses. Texas Studies in Literature and Language. 1968, 10 (2): 301–316. JSTOR 40753991. 
  • Zanotti, Serenella. An Italianate Irishman: Joyce and the Languages of Trieste. James Joyce Quarterly. 2001, 38 (3/4): 411–430. JSTOR 25477816. 
在線來源



主要來源
文學作品

外部連結

關於James Joyce
的圖書館資源
James Joyce的作品

Joyce Papers, National Library of Ireland

Electronic editions

Resources

取自「https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Jiewei_Xiong/沙盒2&oldid=84230315」